Post by la3ar on Feb 21, 2011 18:36:39 GMT -5
In socialist Yugoslavia, the official policy insisted on one language with two standard varieties - Eastern (practiced in Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina by all nationalities, either Ekavian or Ijekavian) and Western (practiced in Croatia by all nationalities, Ijekavian only). However, since the late 60s, because of discontent in Croatian intellectual circles, Croatian cultural workers started to refer to that language exclusively as 'Croatian literary language', or sometimes 'Croatian or Serbian language', as it was common before the Yugoslavia. The language was regarded as one common language with different variants and dialects. The unity of the language was emphasized, making the differences not an indicator of linguistic divisions, but rather factors enriching the "common language" diversity. In addition, Yugoslavia had two other official languages on federal level, Slovenian and Macedonian - reflecting Yugoslavia's acceptance of diversity with regards to language use. No attempts were made to assimilate those languages into Serbo-Croatian language.
With the breakup of the Federation, in search of additional indicators of independent and separate national identities, language became a political instrument in virtually all the new republics. With a boom of neologisms in Croatia, an additional emphasis on Turkisms in the Muslim parts of Bosnia and a privileged position of the Cyrillic script in Serb inhabited parts of the new states, every state and entity showed a 'nationalization' of the language.
In that context, the Bosnian language went into its independent development after the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina was proclaimed in 1992. Independent development of Montenegrin language became a topic among some Montenegrin academics in 1990s.
It should be noted that Serbian and Bosnian language standards tend to be "inclusive", i.e. to accept a wider range of idioms and to use loan-words, while the Croatian standard is more purist and prefers neologisms instead of loan-words, as well as re-use of neglected older words. These approaches are, again, due to different cultural, historical and political development of the three languages and the societies they belong to.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Differences_between_standard_Croatian,_Serbian_and_Bosnian
With the breakup of the Federation, in search of additional indicators of independent and separate national identities, language became a political instrument in virtually all the new republics. With a boom of neologisms in Croatia, an additional emphasis on Turkisms in the Muslim parts of Bosnia and a privileged position of the Cyrillic script in Serb inhabited parts of the new states, every state and entity showed a 'nationalization' of the language.
In that context, the Bosnian language went into its independent development after the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina was proclaimed in 1992. Independent development of Montenegrin language became a topic among some Montenegrin academics in 1990s.
It should be noted that Serbian and Bosnian language standards tend to be "inclusive", i.e. to accept a wider range of idioms and to use loan-words, while the Croatian standard is more purist and prefers neologisms instead of loan-words, as well as re-use of neglected older words. These approaches are, again, due to different cultural, historical and political development of the three languages and the societies they belong to.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Differences_between_standard_Croatian,_Serbian_and_Bosnian