Post by engers on Nov 15, 2007 9:45:42 GMT -5
By AGIM CEKU
November 15, 2007; Page A24
The Kosovo status process is reaching its natural conclusion. The present negotiations come to their appointed end on Dec. 10. This will create the atmosphere for a positive and collaborative declaration of independence and prompt recognition by the international community.
We are taking very seriously our talks with Serbia and the "troika" of international diplomats from the U.S., Europe and Russia. But it is clear that discussion of status is a dead end: Serbia can't accept that independence is inevitable; we know that independence is nothing but inevitable, and can't be compromised on or delayed. Attitudes in Serbia and Kosovo are not going to change in a month or a year. We must be realistic, and we must be forward-looking.
We are open to dialogue with Belgrade on all other issues. More than this, we actively want agreement in crucial areas, and have made specific proposals for cooperation in a range of policy fields where we can only gain by cooperating: freedom of movement across the border for people and trade, the environment, regional infrastructure, security, and the fight against organized crime. Kosovo and Serbia are neighbors and our best chance to succeed in our common pursuit of a Euro-Atlantic future is through cooperation.
By the same token, any aggressive attempts by Serbia to hinder the current international process of resolution -- say, by closing the border or imposing economic sanctions -- will be damaging not just for Kosovo but also for Serbia and the region. When I met the Serbian team in Vienna last week, I said that the compromise we can make is in our attitude. Our instinct must be to talk and listen to Serbia, not to fear or criticize it. We hope that Serbia can also change its attitude.
Independence is not something that can or will be delayed in return for financial incentives, as some people have seemed to suggest; independence is not for sale. Independence is not simply an option on the table or a proposed constitutional model. It is a new fact of history, economics, politics and society in the region.
Suggestions of new models of dependence or association are empty, irrelevant and meaningless. After the suffering of all of the people of Kosovo in the 1990s, we can never have any kind of confederation with Serbia. But we can have collaboration. And we will all benefit from it -- Kosovo and Serbia and Europe. There is nothing worse for any of us, including Serbia with her European aspirations, than to leave the issue of Kosovo's status unresolved.
Independence is not a final victory over Serbia. It removes, instead, the last obstacle to a mature relationship with our neighbor, Serbia. The declaration and recognition of independence will be consistent with international law, a success for the European Union, and a positive development in international relations. We want to make Serbia and Kosovo twin successes.
The international community has invested enormous effort into making the new state of Kosovo work. We have come a long way since 1999. We have a government that is representative, democratically elected, multiethnic and functioning. We are in the midst of an election campaign right now that will, like previous polls, underline the health of our democracy.
Our next government will have a similar agenda to mine -- an independent Kosovo committed to a future working closely with, and perhaps one day belonging to, the European Union and NATO. I am sure that Kosovo's future leaders will work to implement the United Nations' Ahtisaari plan, which our parliament adopted this year. The Ahtisaari plan, with its remarkable guarantees for our minority citizens, is a fair compromise on the future governance of Kosovo that foresees international supervision, incorporating the needs and interests of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Serbia. It's the best way forward.
The transition of the international presence in Kosovo from the U.N. Mission in Kosovo (Unmik), which came in 1999, to the International Civilian Office (ICO) must go on. Unmik has done a great deal of good in Kosovo. Its presence on the ground has made it possible for us to put our structures in place and our house in order -- as much as we could without clarity on our future status. It is now time to move to the next phase of development for Kosovo and the region. If we remain stuck in the present position for too long, Unmik's good efforts could unravel. But the EU-led ICO can help us begin preparing for a future in Europe.
The next Kosovo government must continue reaching out to our Serb citizens. They are being squeezed unjustly by Belgrade, which is urging them not to participate in the political life of Kosovo. This is bad advice. Kosovo Serbs are part of our state. We want to move forward with this reconciliation; we would like to do so in partnership with Belgrade, but we will push on alone if necessary.
Kosovo alone will declare its independence, but in an atmosphere of international satisfaction that serious negotiations have been taken as far as possible, and of a clear commitment from Kosovo to reconciliation and regional stability. This will be a very multilateral independence.
Mr. Ceku is prime minister of Kosovo
[ftp]http://online.wsj.com/article/SB119507647437693199.html?mod=googlenews_wsj[/ftp]
November 15, 2007; Page A24
The Kosovo status process is reaching its natural conclusion. The present negotiations come to their appointed end on Dec. 10. This will create the atmosphere for a positive and collaborative declaration of independence and prompt recognition by the international community.
We are taking very seriously our talks with Serbia and the "troika" of international diplomats from the U.S., Europe and Russia. But it is clear that discussion of status is a dead end: Serbia can't accept that independence is inevitable; we know that independence is nothing but inevitable, and can't be compromised on or delayed. Attitudes in Serbia and Kosovo are not going to change in a month or a year. We must be realistic, and we must be forward-looking.
We are open to dialogue with Belgrade on all other issues. More than this, we actively want agreement in crucial areas, and have made specific proposals for cooperation in a range of policy fields where we can only gain by cooperating: freedom of movement across the border for people and trade, the environment, regional infrastructure, security, and the fight against organized crime. Kosovo and Serbia are neighbors and our best chance to succeed in our common pursuit of a Euro-Atlantic future is through cooperation.
By the same token, any aggressive attempts by Serbia to hinder the current international process of resolution -- say, by closing the border or imposing economic sanctions -- will be damaging not just for Kosovo but also for Serbia and the region. When I met the Serbian team in Vienna last week, I said that the compromise we can make is in our attitude. Our instinct must be to talk and listen to Serbia, not to fear or criticize it. We hope that Serbia can also change its attitude.
Independence is not something that can or will be delayed in return for financial incentives, as some people have seemed to suggest; independence is not for sale. Independence is not simply an option on the table or a proposed constitutional model. It is a new fact of history, economics, politics and society in the region.
Suggestions of new models of dependence or association are empty, irrelevant and meaningless. After the suffering of all of the people of Kosovo in the 1990s, we can never have any kind of confederation with Serbia. But we can have collaboration. And we will all benefit from it -- Kosovo and Serbia and Europe. There is nothing worse for any of us, including Serbia with her European aspirations, than to leave the issue of Kosovo's status unresolved.
Independence is not a final victory over Serbia. It removes, instead, the last obstacle to a mature relationship with our neighbor, Serbia. The declaration and recognition of independence will be consistent with international law, a success for the European Union, and a positive development in international relations. We want to make Serbia and Kosovo twin successes.
The international community has invested enormous effort into making the new state of Kosovo work. We have come a long way since 1999. We have a government that is representative, democratically elected, multiethnic and functioning. We are in the midst of an election campaign right now that will, like previous polls, underline the health of our democracy.
Our next government will have a similar agenda to mine -- an independent Kosovo committed to a future working closely with, and perhaps one day belonging to, the European Union and NATO. I am sure that Kosovo's future leaders will work to implement the United Nations' Ahtisaari plan, which our parliament adopted this year. The Ahtisaari plan, with its remarkable guarantees for our minority citizens, is a fair compromise on the future governance of Kosovo that foresees international supervision, incorporating the needs and interests of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Serbia. It's the best way forward.
The transition of the international presence in Kosovo from the U.N. Mission in Kosovo (Unmik), which came in 1999, to the International Civilian Office (ICO) must go on. Unmik has done a great deal of good in Kosovo. Its presence on the ground has made it possible for us to put our structures in place and our house in order -- as much as we could without clarity on our future status. It is now time to move to the next phase of development for Kosovo and the region. If we remain stuck in the present position for too long, Unmik's good efforts could unravel. But the EU-led ICO can help us begin preparing for a future in Europe.
The next Kosovo government must continue reaching out to our Serb citizens. They are being squeezed unjustly by Belgrade, which is urging them not to participate in the political life of Kosovo. This is bad advice. Kosovo Serbs are part of our state. We want to move forward with this reconciliation; we would like to do so in partnership with Belgrade, but we will push on alone if necessary.
Kosovo alone will declare its independence, but in an atmosphere of international satisfaction that serious negotiations have been taken as far as possible, and of a clear commitment from Kosovo to reconciliation and regional stability. This will be a very multilateral independence.
Mr. Ceku is prime minister of Kosovo
[ftp]http://online.wsj.com/article/SB119507647437693199.html?mod=googlenews_wsj[/ftp]