Post by Teuta1975 on Jun 21, 2008 0:22:24 GMT -5
The incomprehensible numbers below, in the article, are Greek characters..I don't know why I can't bring them here...however, are toponyms or nouns in Greek language.
The Name of the Phoenicians
Author(s): G. Bonfante
Source: Classical Philology, Vol. 36, No. 1, (Jan., 1941), pp. 1-20
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: www.jstor.org/stable/265183
Accessed: 21/06/2008 00:58
CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY
Volume XXXVI JANUARY 1941 Number 1
THE NAME OF THE PHOENICIANS
G. BONFANTE
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
The following paper is founded on the theory that Greece was
occupied, before the Greek invasion, by another Indo-European
people closely related to the historical Illyrians. This thesis I
defended at the December, 1939, meeting of the Linguistic Society of
America, reading a paper which I have not published as yet. But,
however, this thesis is by no means a new one, since it has been maintained
by well-known anthropologists (Penka, C. Fligier), archeologists
(Pernice, Carl Schuchardt, and others), philologists (E. Norden),
linguists (Conway, P. Kretschmer, Jacobsohn, Brandenstein, Budimir,
V. Georgiev), and historians of religion (Malten). The recent discoveries
of Trebeniste near Lake Ochrida in Macedonia have added greatly
to the arguments in its favor.
The Greek name for Phoenicians, which was later adopted by the
Latins, is ?OivLiKE(SIl iad xxiii. 744; Odyssey xiii. 272; xiv. 288; xv.
415 ff.), the land being oLyvtKV(O? dyssey iv. 83; xiv. 291; Herodotus
ii. 49, etc.). This name has no phonetic correspondence in any other
language, for the Jews called all the Phoenicians idonim, 'Sidonians,'
from the town Sidon, and this was perhaps also the name the Phoenicians
gave to themselves (cf. Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums3, I,
ii, ? 356).1 Even the Egyptian word fnh-w (fen6u), although present-
ing some resemblance in form, seems to have no relation whatever
with the Greek name ;2 it is even most doubtful if it really indicated the
Phoenicians (Miiller, Asien und Europa, 208 ff.; Meyer, op. cit., I, ii,
? 356 anm.), although K. Sethe (Mitteil. der Vorderasiat. Gesell., XXI
[1916], 307 ff.) has tried to make it likely; but he admits himself that
there are phonetic difficulties (k =f!) and that no national Phoenician
name is known which could be the basis of both the Egyptian and the
Greek word (p. 331; so also H. R. Hall, Recueil de travaux, XXXIV
[1912], 35 f.; Speiser, Language, XII [1936], 123). The other Egyptian
names of Phoenicia, hr = haru, dh = dahi or zahi (cf. Abel, Geogr. de la
Palestine, I, 329 f.; RLV, s.u. Phonikien, 134) cannot, of course, be
connected with Greek b$otlv.3
The other attempts to explain the Greek bolvtl have been justly
criticized and rejected by Sethe (pp. 305 ff.), whose conclusions I
heartily approve. But as recently (Language, XII [1936], 121) E. A.
Speiser has tried to resurrect the old theory according to which 1oivl,
'Phoenician,' comes from the adjective folvt, 'red,' and this from the
name of the purple, I consider it necessary to examine anew this side of
the problem.
First of all, it must be remembered that oltvZ, 'red,' is no Greek
formation;5 it is true that V. B6rard, Les Pheniciens et l'Odyss6e, II
(Paris, 1927), 36, quotes alWZ (which does not exist!), pb5Z, TKa&vatL,
to which we could add e3u4SlKIp,K tL/.3, KoXXLZ,0 Ta,r6&, Tr'p6b (TrVpi =
7rEp8ZL quoted by Boisacq has in reality a short i and must be written
7rxpLt !), but no adjectives in -s-, -lKOs exist in Greek or in any other
Indo-European language (whereas -zko- is frequent in Germanic, Indo-
Iranian, and Slav and exists in Latin; cf. Brugmann, Grundriss2, II, i,
495 ff.; Brugmann-Thumb, Griech. Gramm., 242; Schwyzer, Griech.
Gramm., 497; Chantraine, La Formation des noms, 382). The idea that
the Greeks should have formed a new name for an animal new to them,
the purple mollusk, from oLvob'sb' lood-red' is equally absurd, because,
as I. L6vy, Revue de philologie, XXIX (1905), 309, has correctly remarked,
the suffix -lK- is no longer productive in Greek,6 and it is not
credible that it should have been employed to create a new word for
a new animal or a new foreign product; the nouns in -Z$ just mentioned
(pdS , aKavYlt, etc.) are comparatively few, rare, and partly obsolete;7
moreover, most of them are difficult to etymologize, and we can by no
means expect that they should be taken as a model for new formations,
least of all at the time when the Greeks became acquainted with Syria.
As for the objects and animals (tree, bird, purple mollusk, collyrium,
musical instrument) which bore the name 4oiviZ, it is, of
course, evident that they draw their name from the people and not the
people from them: the same view has been expressed recently by
Chantraine, La Formation des noms, 382 ("ioDvtL, d'oui a Wt6 tire
q5olvL 'pourpre'; 'dattier, " etc.) and by F. M. Abel, Geographie de la
Palestine, I (1933), 254, note 1: "On n'admet guere aujourd'hui les
systemes qui font venir le nom des Pheniciens du palmier ou de la
pourpre (4oLvtL, OlVObqSu) 'ils exploitaient. Les produits connus sous
le nom de 0o?YLv: teinture, 6toffe, palmier, instrument de musique,
collyre, doivent plutot leur denomination au peuple qui les inventa ou
les fit connaitre au monde grec." This phenomenon (cf. Lat. asinus,
cuprum, Span. galgo, americana, Ital. bronzo, campana, pqsco, Fr. dinde,
hermine, turquoise, basque, cravatte, etc.) is observed by linguists in
all languages. The adjective otivlZ, 'red,' is either the 'purple' color
(cf. Fr. couleur mauve, rose, violette, marron) or the 'Phoenician' color
(cf. Lat. uenetus, spanus [Glotta, VIII, 233 ff.], Ital. turchino, perso,
indaco, etc.).
The ideas of V. Berard, Les Pheniciens et l'Odyssee, 12 ff., are now,
I think, rejected by everybody. But the survey he presents is useful.
See also Boisacq, Dict. etym., s.u. fovLt (with bibliog.).
Thus we always come back to the conclusion of Sethe: the name
of the people (4oLipvl) is primary, and the name of the color and of the
objects (4oivli) secondary. There is no means of passing from the
second to the first,8 whereas it is easy and, I would say, necessary to
follow the inverse way. The conclusions reached may be summarized
as follows: the hypothesis that otlv,t, IoivIt should come from olvo's,
corLtoS, OILrjVeL'sb, lood-red,' is impossible: (a) from the semantic point
of view, because peoples are not named from colors,9 but colors are
frequently named from peoples; (b) from the morphologic point of
view, because the Greek language does not form either ethnic names or
adjectives, or generally new nouns at all with the suffix -LK-.
Speiser thinks the question can perhaps be decided by some
Nuzi texts, which seem to prove that there was in that language an
adjective10 kinaUhu, meaning 'purple,' which is nothing else than the
name of the land Kinahhu, 'Canaan.' In my opinion this is an argument against rather than in favor of his interpretation. If the name of
the land became the name of the color in Nuzi, this seems to indicate,
I think, that we should expect the same to happen in Greek, which is
what I believe actually did happen: the 'purple red' color was called
the 'Phoenician' color.
Since none of the existing interpretations of the name botvit seems
to be satisfactory, there is room for a new hypothesis, which I propose
to present here. I feel the more free to do so, as Speiser in his article
(Lang., XII, 125) seems to consider as an argument against the
derivation of 'red' from oivolt, 'Phoenician,' the fact that in this case
the latter would be left without any connection.
The name 4olvlt was also originally the name of an Illyrian tribe
of Epirus (Schulze, SB Berl. Ak., 1910, 803 f.; Kretschmer, Einleitung,
172):11 4oLv,i , evidently their ancient eponym, was a king
of the Dolopians, AbXorEs12 (Iliad ix. 484 al.; Strabo ix. 430), an
Epirot tribe, who later settled partly in Skyros; and a place in the
land of the Illyrian Chaonians in Epirus founded by him was called
iOL'VtKr (exactly as the Syrian Phoenicia!), which, writes Schulze,
"man nach der Analogie von OpatLKu7 nd Kp'r7 als 'Stadt der 4OILKKES'
deuten kann"; not far from Epirus, near the Thermopylae, there was
a river 4oivl, which bears the name of the ibothLKEeSx actly as the
river Ka'KCoV in Achaia bears the name of the KabKweVs (Fick, BB,
XXII [1897], 55), the 'Iawv that of the 'Iaoves (Wilamowitz, Heracles2,
7) and the X&wivn Epirus that of the Xaoves or Xwves (P.-W., RE,
III, 2371; Wilamowitz, Heracles2, I, 10). By the way, both the Xaoves
and the Kav'Koves are Illyrian tribes (the KavKovesa re faappapoLa ccording
to Strabo vii. 321). Finally, the name 4botpZ and its derivatives
are found also in Boeotia, where Illyrian remnants are quite
noticeable:13 the hero boivl'! was located in the Boeotian 'EXcWV;
there was a spring 'otvlLK near Teyp' a; a OMLKLOV oOp oS near
'OyXr7oros; the town MEeewv had as epitheton 4OLPvKlS (cf. P.-W.,
RE, s.u. Europe, cols. 1289 f.; Toepffer, Att. Geneal., 294; Gruppe,
Griech. Mythol., 60). I will observe in passing that all of the four
place-names mentioned (Teybppa, 'EXe'ov, Me&ccv, 'Oyxqarbs) have
Illyrian names (ending -^v, suff. -vp-, -oar-; for MeSe&w see W.
Kroll, P.-W., RE, s.u.). The relations of Cadmus, Europe's brother
and Phoenix' son, with Boeotia are so well known that I need not
insist upon the subject.
Now Cadmus is an Illyrian hero, well rooted in Illyria (see P.-W.,
RE, s.u. Kadmos, cols. 1466 ff., and Norden, Alt-Germanien, 269 f.),
and when Strabo (vii. 321; ix. 401: see the passage quoted below)
and other authors speak of oIPIVLKEc who settled in Boeotia14 with
Cadmus, they surely preserve a tradition of the Illyrian, not of the
Syrian, Phoenicians, although perhaps they understood the latter under
that name. That the 4OLvLKes of Boeotia came from Syria no
modern scholar, I think, will seriously assert (see, e.g., Beloch, Griech.
Gesch.2, I, ii, 72).
The ending -LKES, with long Z, is found only in the name of pre-
Greek, Illyrian tribes who, exactly like these 4OIlYKES, settled in northern
Greece (and in the Troas): they are the rpaiKes or rpaCKeS, the
Te4u/cKes and the AWiKes.15 Since perhaps the origin of the name of
the Phoenicians may interest some who because of their studies are
not very familiar with this subject, and since Speiser neglects it completely,
I will cite the most important material.
1. The rpa?KcE (or rpp&KEs? see Dittenberger, Hermes, XLI [1906],
98 f.), who, according to Steph. Byz. s.u., settled in Parion, are, of
course, the same people as the rpaLKco of Epirus, attested indirectly by
Hesiod frag. 4 (Rzach2), who locates the hero rpatKbs in the land of
Deucalion's flood (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Graikos) and directly by Aristoteles
Meteor. i. 14. 352a: 6 KaXoL~?y evosr mA EVKaXcXIvosK araIcKvaUTos
[....] v7EVTyO [ ....] Trepl' EXXaaa rrv apXaiav' aivry 6'atrl 7XT7 replA co-
6&vtL [....] 6&LKOVyVa p olt eXXote vTavOa Kal ol KCaXovYevoL7 'Trr e Av
rpatKoi, vgv 8b "EXXvYES.16 It is the name of these Epirot rpaLKol which,
though originally not a Greek name, later in Rome became the name of
the Greeks. There is no doubt that Epirus was an Illyrian land until
the Hellenistic period (see Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums2, II, i, 271;
Kretschmer, Einleit., 254 ff.; 281; Krahe, Die Welt als Geschichte, III
[1907], 288). Specifically, the Illyrian character of the primitive rpaLKol
has been demonstrated by Helbig in his remarkable paper published in
Hermes, XI (1876), 257 ff. (cf. particularly pp. 276 ff.). See also Kossinna,
Festschr. Weinhold, 29 ff. (esp. 32); Wilamowitz, Hermes, XXI
(1886), 114 f.; XXXIV (1899), 609 ff. (who finally admits the authenticity
of Hesiod's passage); Beloch, Griech. Gesch.2, I, i, 234 f.; P.-W.,
RE, s.u.; Dittenberger, Hermes, XLI (1906), 78 ff., 198 ff., 88 f., 97 f.,
101 (97: "Sprachwidrigkeit eines solchen Ethnikon [rpaLKoi] auf hellenischem
Boden").17
The castle rpaCtKO in Moesia (Procopius De aedif. 285. 2) and the
Alpes Graiae (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Alpes col. 1602) are formed from the
same stem; cf. for the Alpes Grdiae the Latin Grdi = (raeci and my article
in BSL, XXXVI (1935), 141-54, where I gave some evidence for
the Illyrian character of the Alpine folk of the Raeti; also BSL, XL
(1939), 119-26 ("Le Nom de la ville de Geneve").
A people rpaps left their traces in Boeotia. Homer Iliad ii. 498
knows a town rpala between 0eareLa and MvKaXlao'os; Thucydides ii.
23. 2 (FpaiKir) iv vie,.ovrat '2p&7roL 'AOrvawiv vTrjKoot) locates them in
Oropos;18th e $jJuoso f the rpajs in Attica must have been in the neighborhood
of that town (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Graes and Graia); Stephanus
of Byzantium mentions a town rpala in the region of Eretria, opposite
Oropos (inhabitant rpa?os, see s.u.). I consider it very likely,
following Wilamowitz' opinion, that these rpaj7s were a scattered
branch of the rpaiKes, rpaCKoLm entioned above. '2pwro6si s probably
only another form of Evtpworos,1a9n Illyro-Macedonian place-name
(see P.-W., RE, s.u. Europa). Generally all the place- and rivernames
ending in -wcroSs eem to be Illyrian, among them the 'Aawros,
which passes through the region of 'Qpw7r6isn Boeotia. The material
has been gathered by W. Aly, Glotta, V (1914), 72 f., where I find:
EipwTros [sic] 2 Stadte in M[akedonien], Ka&ro 7res Kastell in M[akedonien],
'AX/w7rLaL andschaft in M[akedonien], 'Poboirts Hetare aus
Thrakien (wer hat sie so genannt?); nordgriechisch sind auch die Manade
EbcIT7unn d Amazone AuvKcrL."20 There was also an 'Qp2pw'oisn
Thesprotia (Steph. Byz.) (cf. also Evp&CTs7ere; below). The geographical
distribution of these names in Greece is also interesting: in Ionia
they are found only "wo auch andere Spuren auf west- und zentralgriechischen
Einschusz hinweisen." Compare chiefly Wilamowitz,
"Oropos und die Graer," Hermes, XXI (1886), 91 ff. Brugmann (IF,
XXII [1907-8], 183 f.) compares with rpaiKes, rpatKol, the name of
rFpaL-acos in Euboea, which (I think) nobody doubts today to be
Illyrian (see, e.g., Jokl, RLV, VI, 38).
2. The A0lKEs (1: Iliad ii. 744) lived on the slopes of the Pindos
and are mentioned by Strabo both in vii. 326 and in ix. 430 among
purely Illyrian tribes-the MoXorrot, 'AOacPaPes, TvM45aToL, 'Op'crraL
IIapwpaoLo, 'ATLvTaves, MaKeP6ves, 'AMA4olXoXL(c f. also vii. 321).21
Hirschfeld (P.-W., RE, s.u.) writes: "Aithikes, ein seiner Abstammung
nach zu den epirotischen Volkerschaften geh6riges Volkchen." They
no longer existed in Strabo's time.
3. The TEUjLUKE(T(S: Lykophron 644), who settled in Boeotia, together
with two other folks of Illyrian origin, the "Aoves and the
"TavrrS, were still considered "barbarian" by Strabo vii. 321: -aXreb
6o TL Kal r) avirwtraaa 'EXXas KaTroLKa fapfapwv V7rprpe rT Iraaloatv.....
TrPvp Lv yap 'ArvLTTK ol UeTXEr utLo6X'roOv paiKes e(Xov, TrS be cOKl8OS
rrV AavXiSa Tflpevs, rrjY 6 KaSuelaC ol eTra K6a8iov 4 OLVLKES, avTriv
S6 Tr) Boltcrcla "Aoves Kal TE4.LIALKKEaSl 'TarVES; and so ix. 401: 'H 6'
o8v BoLcotra TrpoTEpoV iLEV iro apap3cpv (LKElTO' Aovco Kal TerJ,IIIKWCEK
TroV ovUilov reT7rXavyrvjE Kal AEXCYWVK cal' TTaortTOWL'K ESe lTa %XOP
ol EJra K&a5UovC. ompare also P.-W., RE, s.u. Temmikes and Schachermeyr,
Etrusk. Friihgeschichte, 254, 267 ("vorgriechische Volksreste";
"Restv6lker").
If we consider that the majority, or at least a part, of the "peoples
of the sea" were Indo-Europeans who came, directly or not, from
Illyria,22 the idea that one tribe of them should have an Epirot name
and should have given it to the Phoenicians will seem quite likely. I
shall only recall from what poor origins such glorious names as Italy
or Hellas have started; and even if we admit-as I think we must admit-
that about 1200 and later the great majority of the Phoenician
population was Semitic, this would be no inconvenience, as aristocracies,
even those only temporarily dominant, often give their names
permanently to subjugated peoples: I may cite the case of the
French, Normans, Lombards, Burgundians, Andalusians, and many
others.
But I do not even pretend that (IoltvKES was at any time the national
name of the Phoenicians; we only know that this was the name
the Greeks gave them (see, e.g., Winckler, Altor. Forsch., I [1893], n.
2).23 It also happens frequently that the name which strangers give to
a people is quite different from the name this people gives itself; this
was even so common in ancient times that it seems almost to have
been a rule.24 The Germans are called Germans by the English, Allemands
by the French, Njemtsy by the Russians; the ancient Greeks
were always called Graeci at Rome; the Celts, Galli (Caesar BG i. 1).
None of these names was or is used as a national name by the people
itself, nay, is even known at all, apart from cultivated persons. And
I could easily prolong the list.25 The case of the ancient Greeks is particularly interesting, because Graeci = rpaLKo was in reality the name
not of*greek but of an Epirot, Illyrian tribe, so that the Greeks
were given by the Romans a name of a little tribe which had no connection
with them at all, either linguistic or political, except geographical
proximity (though perhaps some cultural bond; but even that is
most dubious).
Recent archeological discoveries have proved that, beginning with
1350 B.C. approximately, the cultural influence of the Aegean civilization
in Phoenicia becomes very strong. It seems necessary to attribute
it to the influence of an Aegean people who began invading and probably
conquering the land about that time. This is the opinion of C. L.
Woolley (Syria, II [1921], 189 ff.):
More bibliography will be found in BPhW (1935), p. 522.29
The chronology is in order, as the date of the Iliad-the oldest document
for the name Lo'vLKEs-cannot be put earlier than the tenth
century B.C., whereas the conquest of Phoenicia by this Aegean folk
belongs to the thirteenth century (latest date).
The relations between Illyria and Phoenicia are clearly reflected in
the Greek legend: Cadmus, an Illyrian hero, the representative him
self of the Illyrians (see the material in P.-W., RE, s.u. Kadmos, cols.
1466 f.; s.u. Illyrios and cf. Norden, Alt-Germanien, 269 f.), was connected
in many ways with Phoenicia (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Kadmos,
cols. 1470 f.; Beloch, Griech. Gesch., I2, ii, 72); he was the brother (or the
son) of IolvlS, a king of Sidon and ancestor of the 4ovIcKES (cf. particularly
Herodotus ii. 49; v. 57 ff.). Cadmus imported into Greece the
alphabet, the boLVLKcojira K abutzia ypa/.tl.ara (Herod.). It is also important
to notice that K&abtosi s called ovaeEgLz ev 3iapfapos, voblcot b
"EXXv (together with IIJXo/, AiVyUrTo, Aavaos) in Plato Menexenos
245D. He is considered as an assimilated hero of foreign origin.
Evp&crrtfh, e daughter of oivti, (Iliad xiv. 321), is closely connected
with Phoenicia (cf. Herodotus i. 2) and at the same time with Epirus,30
Aetolia, and other Illyrian regions, also with Caria-4oLYtKMex, actly
like 4olyvi (see above), moreover with Crete; see P.-W., RE, s.u.
Europe cols. 1288 ff., particularly 1287, 65 f.: "Epeiros diirfte damit
als Stammland der E[uropa] gelten"; "Auf den Ausgangspunkt der
E[uropa]-Sage, Epeiros, weist uns wieder die Genealogie." Her epithet
'EXXcorls or 'EXXwrla (Ath. xv. 678b and Etymol. mag., s.u.
'EXXworlaa) lso takes us back to Epirus, the land of the 'EXXoi,t he
"EXX-Vresa,n d the "EXX-ores;t he formation is a good Illyrian one,
cf. Bo'ov opos, BoLot: BotwOrol; Siculi: 2IKoUX-<raC; likewise Oea~rp-Crol,
'A-Tro6S-W(rsoe e Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 9, 37, 64, 115 with bibliog.).
Espw7rbsis an Illyro-Macedonian name, see P.-W., RE, s.u. (and here
above), and so surely also Evpc7'rr; already in 1905 (Vorgriech. Ortsnamen,
21) Fick admitted that neither was Greek, although he added:
"die Namen sind eben blosz grazisiert, wenn auch nicht ohne Geschick."
Cf. also Jacobsohn, KZ, LVII (1929-30), 94 n.31
Caria was once called 4oLVtKf/ (Athenaeus iv. 174 f.); probably a
fraction of the Illyrian POlVIKES stopped or settled in Caria on its way
to Syria. See also P. Giles in Cambridge Ancient History, II, 27; D. G.
Hogarth, ibid., 557. Illyrian elements in Anatolia have been noticed
by several scholars, cf. particularly Krahe, Die Welt als Geschichte, III
(1937), 287, 298 ff., and many more can be found.
According to Herodotus i. 170, Thales of Miletos was ro y'eos
botivL. Can we perhaps see in this a trace of the old Aegean Phoenicians,
who also gave their name to Caria? See on this point I. L6vy,
Revue de philologie, XXIX (1905), 313: "I1 est maintenant clair que
pour H6rodote,-ou plut6t pour la source plus ancienne qu'il transcrit
sans la comprendre, car par botlYLt il n'entend partout ailleurs qu'un
Phenicien au sens classique-Thales se rattachait a la population indigene
des environs de Milet, et que sa famille 6tait carienne." I shall
examine in another paper the name Thales, which seems to me to be of
Illyrian formation (-et-).
Perhaps C. L. Woolley (Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology
[Liverpool], IX [1922], 56) was right when he saw in the OoiCvKES of
Thucydides i. 8 (KaLo X croaaXolvo araL raa v oLv Ylo&wTaKC,a pcs re OTres
Kal (oiLVKES. OVTOLya p 6r ras TrXElarasT r& vf'aov wLKrlav before King
Minos' days) the old Aegean, Pre-Hellenic Phoenicians,32 who had
not yet migrated toward the land to which they later gave their name.
In the same way can be explained the old traditions which spoke of
Phoenician colonies in the whole Aegean basin (Thera, Melos, Oliaros,
33 Pronektos on the Propontis, Rhodes); a god or hero )otivi~
appears at Thasos, Crete, Kythera (Herodotus i. 105); an 'AOrva
'ovitLK was venerated in Corinth. The place-names Dou4cKatov near
Corinth, (oLVLKOiVS in Kythera, 1o?lviOK (or "Ios) in the Sporades
(Steph. Byz. s.u. "Ios), bovltv or 4owYKoOs in Crete also preserve a
trace of these Aegean 4oLvIKES (the citations can be found in Beloch,
Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii, 66 ff.; cf. also Fick, Vorgriech. Ortsnamen, 123 ff.).
Beloch was surely right in a way, when he flatly denied, on historical
and archeological evidence, the existence of colonies of the Asiatic
Phoenicians in Greece or in the Aegean Sea. But he went too far in his
destructive criticism (which was the mode in his time). The connection
between the Syrian and the Aegean 4olvZKEs must be admitted;
only the direction of the migration must be inverted.
The same may probably be said of another passage of the same
author, VI, ii, 6: here Thucydides informs us that when the Greeks
first colonized Sicily-which was already in the eighth century B.C.-
they found there COLVLKES( iLKOVV 56 KatlP OiLLKcS7 repl Iraaav rT'v2 cLKcXLav).
Beloch (Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii, 245 ff.) has demonstrated that it is
impossible that the Phoenicians, whether from Phoenicia or from
Carthage, settled in the island so early. The idea seems to me very
attractive that these OoLKIKES who preceded the Greeks in Sicily35 were
nothing else than another branch of the Epirot tribe of 4oltviKES we
have spoken about. The Illyrian colonization in Sicily is largely
proved by historical tradition36 and by toponomastic evidence; the
name 7;KeXol itself seems to be Illyrian (see Krahe, Geogr. Namen,
73, 105).37 It is particularly important to observe that the whole Illyrian
colonization of southern Italy and Sicily started precisely from
Epirus, passing through the strait of Valona. The place and ethnic
names on both shores of the southern Adriatic are largely the same
(see, e.g., P.-W., RE, s.u. Illyrioi, Suppl. v, 322, 2 ff., with bibliog.)
That Thucydides (vi. 2. 6) should, of course, misinterpret the old
local tradition and apply the name 4olcVKEs to the later colonists coming
from Phoenicia through Carthage, was (we must admit it) almost
inevitable.
It is very interesting to observe that the Philistines, Greek IaXataTrvoL,
an Indo-European people, came from Epirus-where a place
Palaeste is known (see Jacobsohn, BPhW, 1914, 983)-exactly as
their relatives, the Proto-Illyrian Dolv'LKESw, ho gave their name to
Phoenicia.38
As a final remark, I will observe that the formation of the landname
4I)otv0K1 directly from the stem 4oLviK- of POLPLKCS is by no
means Greek, as F. Sommer (Abhandl. Akad. Munich [N.S.], VI
[1932], 352 ff.; ibid., IX [1934], 76 ff.) and (indirectly) A. G6tze (Madduwattas,
54 f.) have noted against Forrer (MDOG, No. 63 [1924], 9),
F. Schachermeyr (Hethiter und Achder [1935], 69 ff.), and P. Kretschmer
(Glotta, XVIII [1929-30], 164) in a well-known polemic about the
Hittite land-name Ahhiyawd. The latter name, Sommer and Gotze
observe, is not a Greek formation, nor does a name *'Axa?Fa exist in
Greek. Kretschmer answered (Glotta, XXI [1932-33], 227 ff.; XXIV
[1935-36], 224 ff.) citing39 Kp7recs:K p',rT14;O VLLKES: 'OLV1K?1O; p/KEs:
Opr'iKr)A; lipves: At3i ; Mporer: MEp6or; "IOaKos, "IOaKoL'I: O&K7"; EXLvoL:
'EXlva; KeXuaOoL: KeXaiOa; IaiLaKes: BaLtaK1; Apuo7res: Apu6ovr;
MLvbaL: Mwi a; XeybCau: Xe'yva40 (the last six are town names, like
the 4boLvtKro f Epirus).41 Without entering here into the difficult problem
of Ahhiyawd, I must remark that Sommer is completely right
when he asserts that none of these names is Greek (cf. Sommer's reply
to Kretschmer, IF, LV [1937], 254 ff.); I do not think that any scholar
will have any doubt about Kpijres: KptrI, were it only in consideration
of the 'Ere6Kp7Tes! 42B aiL&K7'E, XYva, 'I1a&Kf,K eXaita43 are Illyrian
names in Illyrian regions, as Sommer himself points out; they follow a
regular Illyrian formation rule and not a Greek one, as W. Schulze,
Eigenn., 541 had observed (see also Bechtel, Griech. Dial., II, 86; Jacobsohn,
KZ, LVII [1929-30], 93 ff.); the same can be said of Apvu67ro n
the Oeta, the town of the ApboTres, an Illyrian tribe with the Illyrian
suffix -or- (see above); the same morphologic element appears in Mepo-
?res:M epor? (cf. also 'A'po7res: 'Aepo6wT',A CpoIros),t he old name of the
island of Kos, which we must consider as a remnant of the old Proto-
Illyrian invasion of Greece (later the name was Hellenized; Thucydides
viii. 41 has the form Meporls instead of Mepo'r7).
In conclusion, of the names cited above, some must, and all can44 be
Illyrian, with the possible exception of OpVrfK (OpiKes); the latter
in any case belongs to an Indo-European people, linguistically closely
related to the Illyrians. As for the MLv(aL45a nd the QXAeyvaKc,r etschmer
himself (Glotta, XXIV, 226) doubts their Greek nationality;
Krahe (Glotta, XVII [1928-29], 101) seems to consider them as Illyrians.
Almost all scholars, I think, agree that they are in any case
Pre-Greek. But their case is somewhat different, for the stem is not,
strictly speaking, consonantal, as in IoLy/K-r7.
I conclude that the formation of the name otLvtKirsl not Greek, but
Illyrian, or rather Proto-Illyrian, as the stem itself.
See the footnotes; very interesting
1 But perhaps they usually called themselves Canaanites, from the land Canaan or
Xva (El Amarna, Kinahhi), which in Greek was 4OLyvK1: see Abel, Geogr. de la Palestine,
I (1933), 254 and cf. Augustine Ad Rom. inch. expos. 13 (PL, XXXV, 2096):
interrogati rustici nostri [Puni] quid sint, Punice respondentes Chanani [....] quid aliud
[CLASSICAPLH ILOLOGYX,X XVI, JANUARY, 1941]
respondent quam Chananaei? The Greek IoivIKEs translates both Chanaanites and Sidonians
in the Bible (see Abel).
H. R. Hall writes in Recueil de travaux, XXXIV (1912), 35, n. 3: "We have no proof
whatever that the Phoenicians called themselves or thought themselves anything else
but Canaanites like the rest of their relatives in Palestine."
2 According to H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms geographiques contenus dans les
textes hieroglyphiques (Le Caire, 1925-31), II, 161, the name fenkhou (fnh) was a "nom
commun signifiant les 'attaches,' 'les captifs' [...]. Ce ne fut qu'a l'6poque Ptolemaique
que des raisons de pure assonance en restreignirent la signification aux seuls 4OLvLKES
ou Ph6niciens." Cf. also Gauthier and Sottas, Un decret trilingue en l'honneur de Ptolemee
IV (Le Caire, 1925), 26: "Ce n'est qu'a l'6poque grecque que l'assonance fenkh-
QcOLVKco- nduisit a une fausse assimilation de ces pillards fenkhou avec les Ph6niciens."
3 I write boilvt, which is the resultant orthography to be expected in consideration
of the long Z of )oviVKoS, 4o01vKL, 'olviKeS, etc.; it is also the spelling of many ancient
manuscripts (see Pape-Benseler s.u.). Speiser and others write Joivto , evidently on
the authority of Choiroboskos, p. 1234 Bekk., which in this case, however, I think to
be based on late speculation and late habits of speech.
4 Very objectively, Speiser acknowledges that "the use of geographic terms to
describe local products is quite normal. In the case of oZlvtwh,o wever, the reverse of
the process has to be assumed. Does it mean that the Greek word for 'red purple' must
be derived from the ethnicon 4Ooilt after all? In that case the latter would be left
without any etymology [!], the equation with Egyptian Fnh-w being definitely out. Now
the cuneiform evidence strongly favors a connection between the names for the people
and their product." But I cannot understand what follows: "Such a connection can
be maintained for Greek if we start out with 'red purple' (based on otv$6s'b lood-red')
and proceed thence to the OiYVtKebSu, t not vice-versa." Why? Cannot such connection
be maintained exactly the same if we start out with 'oilvi, 'Phoenician,' and
proceed thence to 'red purple,' as other scholars have suggested?
6Speiser, Language, XII, 121, writes that 4)olivi is derived from "the adjective
4otv6s 'blood-red' with the suffix -zc-, a perfectly normal construction according to
W. Schulze [SB (Berlin, 1910), 803 f.]." He forgets (a) that -ik- forms no adjectives and
(b) that it forms ethnic names (AZKicEs,T IE/UiKESr,p a&iKe, see below), but in Illyrian, and
not in Greek!
6 Cf. also Chantraine, La Formation des noms en grec ancien, 382: "Les exemples [du
suffixe -iK-] sont peu nombreux, malaise a interpreter; il n'existe pas de syst0me productif."
7Moreover, none of them is derived from an adjective, as qoivlf is claimed to be
from bowo6s
8 The only theoretically possible way for deriving folvil from OLItOh6ass been hinted
at by Sethe, Mitt. Vorder. Gesell. der Wiss., 1916, 306: 4oivl, once might have meant
the (professional) 'purple-dyer,' and would be connected with the verb owivlraa'',t o
redden,' 'to become red,' in the same way as ava5 with avaaaco, qfvXaa with fuX&aaaow,
and KjpVT with K bpaCW.
But there is no evidence whatever that colvl ever meant the 'purple-dyer' and even
less that a 'purple-dyer' should have ever been called the 'red,' unless in a chance jest.
Sethe himself absolutely rejects the hypothesis, which he discusses only for the sake
of completeness.
9 Of course, we have the Redskins and the Negroes; but, as it has been observed
several times, this argument would be available only if we could prove that the Phoenicians
themselves were 'red'; which does not seem to have been the case.
10 In the languages of the ancient peoples of the Near East, the same word (e.g.,
Kinahhu) is used as name of the land (noun) and as name of the people (noun or
adjective).
n There was an old family in Attica which had the name 'Ioi'iKes (Hesychius s.u.;
see Toeppfer, Att. Geneal., 300); it surely is a remnant of the old Proto-Illyrian, Pre-
Greek population of Greece.
12 The ending -o7r- in ethnic names is Illyrian; cf. Jokl, RLV, VI, 34, 38 f., 44 f.;
ZNF, II (1927), 243. Cf., e.g., the 'A~pores,N &pores, "EXXooreAs,p bvoresA, evplores,
Adriopes. The dilettante "Caucasian" interpretation of R. Eisler (Caucasica, V [1928],
78 ff.), although it seems to attract Chantraine, La Formation des noms, 259 f., is
rejected with full reason by J. Friedrich, IF, XLVIII, (1930), 96, and by Schwyzer,
Griech. Gramm., 78.
13 On the Illyrian toponomastic of Boeotia see, e.g., Jokl, RLV, VI, 371; Krahe,
Die Welt als Geschichte, III (1937), 289.
14At p. 803 Schulze writes: "Der Name der Phoeniker, der in der mythischen
Vorgeschichte Boeotiens eine Rolle spielt, mag sich urspriinglich auf diesen Stamm
bezogen haben, und nicht auf die semitischen Namensvettern." I believe the name of
the Syrian and the Boeotian 4oLivlKEtSo be the same, but the relation to be the inverse
of what was previously considered to be the case. See also Bechtel, Griech. Dial., II, 81.
15 The names of the KiXtKes and of the Opa(KeS (Homer: OpliKes - v) are different,
because they have short L.
A place-name KiXLKESd, eclined as a stem in -ik-, is found in Illyria (see Krahe,
Geogr. Namen, 20, 72); but, of course, we do not know whether the i is long or short. A
suffix -iko-, -ika- is frequent both in Illyrian (and Venetic) geographical and personal
names: see Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 72; Personenn., 148 f.; Glotta, XVII (1929), 89;
Schulze, Eigenn., 29 ff. Also -ak-, -ako-, -oko-, -eko- are found (Krahe, ibid.; add the
aialKes and Ba&hK?7).
16A ristotle evidently has this from an older source, in which 'TEXXtvessti ll was the
designation of an Epirot tribe around Dodona; see chiefly Dittenberger, Hermes, XLI
(1906), 97 f.; in other words, he means the inhabitants of the 'EXXas i &pXaia which
he has just mentioned. "EXX7ve=s" EXX&ves(o nce *'EXXaves)h as the Illyrian (Epirotic)
ending -aves. Awbs&v has also an Illyrian ending (-5nd).
The obscure gloss rpaKes' 7rap' 'AXKavtp al TCW'EVX XvYoPl C7rTpesK al wap&d2 o0oKXe?
4v IIoLiailv (Steph. Byz. s.u. and Herodianus i. 379. 9) must likewise be based upon
some text where "'EXXqYheasd the same meaning as rpatlol; there was also probably
a confusion with ypaGs, ypata, 'old woman' ('mother'). See Brugmann, IF, XXII
(1907-8), 183 ff.
17 The only other example which Dittenberger can find of an ethnic name in -K&S
on the Hellenic peninsula is 'AreLptCKt6hse; 'ATreLpKoil ived "irgendwo in den umwegsamen
Gebirgstalern der AltrwXa TriKirros [!]." He rightly remarks (p. 101): "Und
daraus wird sich die Abweichung vom sonstigen griechischen Gebrauch erklaren; denn
in jenen Gegenden war bekanntermaszen die Grenze zwischen hellenisch und barbarisch
keine feste, sondern der Uebergang ein allmahlicher, so dasz das Auftreten einer
zdworatr nzicwheti faeullfofsa lliennd kogaenrnm."
s The commentary of Steph. s.u. on this Boeotian Oropos is very interesting:
KeKX?7raat7 ro 'Qpcoroi rou MaKeb6vos Tro AVKaovoS.S ee also P.-W., RE, s.u. Europos, 9.
19 The phonetic relation is the same as that between AevpiorES (AevupioTro) Deuri
(Aevptas) and Awp5ets (which is also an Illyrian but not a Proto-Illyrian name, cf.
the 'TXXetsa nd the Avu,aVes);t he manuscript of Steph. Byz., s.u. Kb3pal has even
Aw[pt]o7rcoYcf;. Pliny N.H. iii. 142 and see H. Kiepert, Lehrbuchd er alten Geographie,
360 f. Beloch, Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii, 56, admits the connection, first proposed by Fick,
BB, XXIV (1899), 299, between the AevpLOres, the Aoupiores, and the Awopzts, but,
like Fick, he thinks that all three of them are Greek; which is impossible at least for the
first two. Perhaps the Apbo7res are also related in some way (note the suffix -or- and
see n. 12 above).
20 In Epirus there were three ethnic names in -coro's: Kapwtrws or Kapco7rs, KaaoXwro's,
and KotXwors; see Bechtel, Griech. Dial., II, 81.
21T he MoXorrot (-ooti), the 'Artvraves, and the 'OpEo-raLar e expressly called
fBapfapotb y Thucydides in ii. 80; the 'AA,1iXoXoinL ii. 68. Also for the others-Macedonians
inclusive-there are numerous and clear statements. The endings and the
formation of most of their names are Illyrian (suff. -st-, -aio-, -aves, -6ves; as for the
'A,uqiXoxoLc, f. the Ambi-draui, Ambi-lici, Amb(i)-isontii and the personal name
Ambi-sanos: see Krahe, Personenn., 4; P.-W., RE, s.u. Ambisontii).
22I consider this as certain for the Pelesta-Philistines
(IIaXaLur?vots, ee below),
the Sekelesa=ZtKeXol, and for the Dardanay= ApSavoL; as likely for the Takkra=
TeOKpoLt,h e Trs = Tpioes,a nd the Lukki= -AKLOLI. shall examine the whole question in
another paper and for the time being refer the reader to A. Gotze, Kulturgeschichte des
alten Orients (1933), 186, n. 1; F. Schachermeyr, Etruskische Frihgeschichte (1929), 28 f.
23 See also Abel, G6ogr. de la Palestine, I (1933), 253 f.: "Ce nom [semitique] primitif
ayant d6fi6 les recherches[!], le mot 4OiVLKEs reste pour d'autres savants une cration
des Hellenes eux-memes ...." Cf. Herodianus (ed. Lentz) i. 399; ii. 633, 648, 913:
Xva' orTcW7y ap7 rp6repov [!v] cotv&iKric/ aXe'ro.
24 It even frequently happens that a people gives itself no name at all (e.g., the
Indians, the Abyssinians, etc.; Japan, Japanese, Nippon, is a name of Chinese origin).
The explanation is not difficult: the unity of a people is felt much more clearly by a
stranger than by the elements of the people itself. These feel much more clearly their
local, regional, or tribal peculiarities, and the opposition-sometimes even hostileagainst
their neighbors of the same stock, to such an extent, that the "national" sentiment
often does not exist or is very weak. This fact-the antipathy or even hostility
between branches of the same folk-is well known in history. So for the English or the
Italians, Germany is a clearly defined idea; but a German feels very strongly his
regional peculiarities of Bavarian, Saxon, Rhenish, etc., which the stranger seldom
notices, unless he lives a long time in the land. In the same way, an Italian often feels
himself above all as Sicilian, Milanese, Venetian, Neapolitan, etc., whereas for an Englishman
he is "Italian" and nothing else. See on the whole problem Schwyzer, Griech.
Gramm., 78; R. Much, Hirt-Festschrift, 514 iff. (with my review in Emerita, V [1937], 150).
I may, moreover, observe, concerning changes of folk-names, that the Greeks are
called 'PcA/a?oitn the Near East (and even themselves apply now a derivative of this word
to their own language); that the German name Welsch (from Volcae) now indicates the
French, a Latin-speaking people; that Wenden (from Veneti) is now the name of a Slav
folk; that Germans (Germdni) is no Germanic name (see on this subject Norden, Alt-
Germanien, 261 ff.: he holds the name to be Illyrian, whereas it was until now generally
considered as Celtic); that the Britons, the Prussians and the Bavarians are now
Germanic folks, and that the Bulgarians and the Bohemians are Slavs.
251 may add, e.g., the following instances:
English Name National Name
Basques ................................. Euskara
Finns or Finlanders .........................Suomi
Albanians .............................. Shqipetare
Berbers ...................... Imdzighen or Imfushdg
Georgians ... . . .........................cartvelni
Hungarians ............................ Magyarok
Armenians ................................ Haykh
Dutch (French Hollandais)
.
............ Nederlander s
I would add that the Esths or Esthonians, who call themselves Eesti, are called
Virolaiset by the Finns and Cudi by the Russians. The Finlanders called the Russians
Venaja (from Venedae). Some scholars believe the name Slavs itself to be of Germanic
origin (Masing, A. Stender-Petersen; see Encicl. ital., s.u. "Slavi," p. 939).
26 The passage Iliad xxiii. 740 if. (the only one where the Phoenicians are mentioned
in this poem) is of*great importance in this connection:
HII)XeL6rS 6'ai &a\\Xa TLOELra XVT7rTOS &eOXa,
&ap'ypeov Kp?17Trpa, Trevyroivo v ''
~ 6'&pa Ijcr'pa
Xavbavev, abrT&p Ka&XXeeLv iKa waaav e7r' alav
roXX\6v, Trel 2L56vyes 7roXv5aiaL6XoL e5 o'Kfloay,,
DoivLKes a'&'yov &vYpes k7r' iepoESka 7rOJVTov,
aTcjaav 8'ev XLiJLveOaL, 06avrL 86 G.cpov e&bKaC.
Here the "Phoenicians" are clearly contrasted (5e) as seafaring tradesmen and transporters
of goods to the sedentary "Sidonians," who are merely producers of goods.
This passage-the oldest mention of the name "Phoenicians" we possess-is a good
illustration of the archeological evidence brought up by Woolley and other scholars in
favor of an Aegean trading population sailing between the Aegean Sea and Syria, and
partly settling among the sedentary Semitic population of the latter land.
These conclusions are completely confirmed by the other passages, both of the Iliad
and of the Odyssey, where Phoenicians or Sidonians are mentioned: cf. the excellent
commentary of W. Leaf in his edition (London, 1888), II, 425: "The distinction between
the Sidonians as craftsmen and the Phoenicians as traders is always observed inH[omer]. For the former cf. Z 290-1a, 618." See also the commentary of J. U. Faesi
(Berlin, 1877) on the same passage (Iliad xxiii. 740 ff.); Brunn, Kunst bei Homer, p. 7;
Nilsson, Homer and Mycenae, pp. 131 f. and Ebeling, Lex., s.u. ZL6ivoet. In Iliad vi.
289 ff., Paris-Alexander is said to have kidnapped from ZL3ovir) some Sidonian women,
who worked embroidering robes in his palace in Troy. Such a kidnapping, which is not
isolated (cf. Odys. xv. 427 ff.), seems to indicate that the industrious "Sidonians" were
not even the masters of their own sea facing the shores of their own land: they were the
victims of piracy, no pirates themselves. See also n. 34 below.
It is perhaps not useless to recall what Proclus writes in his r6sume of the Kivrpta
(Scriptores Metrici Graeci, ed. Westphal [Leipzig, 1866], I, 234) about Paris' travel (cf.
Iliad vi. 290 f.): Kal 7rpoa,evXOesl x2 X&v O6' AXecauSpos aiped rrjv r6X\tv.
Cf. also Abel, Geographie de la Palestine, I (1933), 257: "C'est moins par des limites
territoriales que par leur goftt pour les transactions lointaines et la navigation, que les
Pheniciens se distingu6rent des Canan6ens attach6s a la glebe."
27 Dussaud, Rev. hist. rel., CIV (1931), 354, writes: "Bientot, cependant, les marins
egeens abordent 'a Ras Shamra et y apportent les produits des lies et du continent grecs.
Ce mouvement commercial est suivi d'un mouvement d'immigration de plus en plus
dense [note: 'Un souvenir de cet evenement s'est conserv6 dans les legendes touchant
le Casius; cf. Syria, X, p. 301-2. La 16gende de Cadmus tire une lumiere nouvelle des
decouvertes de Ras Shamra; cf. Syria, XI, p. 189-90']." In the chronological table of the
following page, Dussaud marks in the fourteenth to thirteenth centuries: "Apport d'un
contingent 6geen (chypriote et myc6nien)." Cf also Rev. hist. rel., CVIII (1933), 26:
"Ainsi les Egeens qui avaient supplante les Pheniciens a Ras Shamra, c'est-a-dire
a l'extreme nord de la Syrie, les evinclrent encore d'Ashdod, a l'autre extr6mite du pays."
Then his book Les Civilisations prehellMniques129, 9, 282 ff., 303 ff., and recently C. F. A.
Schaeffer, Ugaritica (1939), 22, 25, 32 ff., 42 ff., 46 ff., 53 ff., and the whole second
chapter (pp. 53-106). On pp. 67 ff., 99 ff., Schaeffer asserts that there was not only
importation of objects but a real immigration of Aegean population in Syria, in two
periods (first eighteenth to seventeenth, then again fourteenth to thirteenth century).
28 This chronological question is, of course, of quite secondary
importance for my
thesis, as the name ?ovlyKes appears first in the Iliad. Any date before the tenth century
B.c. is equally appropriate for my purpose.
29 Cf. also Speiser, Language, XII (1936), 125: "In view of this [archeological discovery]
it may be permissible to conjecture that the word ,otZvt was brought to
Syria[!] by the Myceneans who found the place an excellent source of supply of the shells
required."
A direct cultural relation between Illyria and Phoenicia seems to be definitely indicated
by some very important axes, which have been studied by Radu Vulpe in Prdhist.
Zeitschr., XXIII (1932), 132 ff. His conclusions are summarized and criticized by W.
Hartke (quoted by Norden, Alt-Germanien, 270, n. 3): "Auf Grund des Vorkommens
von bestimmten Axttypen, die er neben orientalische Stiicke stellen will, im Raume
Skutari-Cattaro, glaubt er die Sage von Kadmos bei den illyrischen Encheleern [on Lake
Ochrida, G. B.] mit der Einwanderung von Phoinikern in die Kiistengebiete des Adriatischen
Meeres verbinden zu k6nnen. Er benutzt also die Version, dasz Kadmos
Phoiniker gewesen sei. Die Kombination erscheint mir wenig glaublich. Von einer
ausgedehnteren phoinikischen Herrschaft in den illyrischen Gebieten wissen wir nichts.
Sie haben sich auf den Handel beschrankt." Everything becomes perfectly clear if we
admit the inverse direction-from Illyria to Phoenicia.
These Illyrian axes are dated by Radu Vulpe about the year 1000 (p. 141).
13
30 She is the mother of Dodon, the eponym of the Epirot town of Dodona (which has
an Illyrian name, cf. Krahe, Die Welt als Gesch., III, 288). The name Europe as
a geographical term was originally limited to Epirus, "the land of Odysseus" (P.-W., RE,
s.u., Europe, col. 1287, 61 ff.).
31 Commenting on a new text of Ras-Shamra recently published by Ch. Virolleaud and
belonging to the first half of the fourteenth century, R. Dussaud writes in C.-R. de
l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1938, 537 f.: "Jusqu'ici notre texte s'accorde
assez avec ce que nous connaissons par ailleurs; mais ce qui est nouveau et tout A fait
inattendu, c'est la relation directe et etroite 6tablie entre le dieu cananeen El et les
territoires de Kaphtor et d'Egypte. Ces territoires sont places avec insistance sous la
domination du dieu El. Avant d'en chercher une explication, observons que l'affirmation
que Kaphtor, c'est-a-dire la CrBte, est le siege de la demeure de El 6voque imm6diatement
la 16gende d'Europe. Or, les textes de Ras Shamra nous ont appris que le taureauetait une des formes du dieu El. On trouve frequemment l'expression sr 'El 'le taureau
El' et meme sr 'El dp 'ed 'le taureau El compatissant.' - Puisque le dieu El passait
pour avoir install6 sa demeure en Crete, il est logique d'admettre qu'il y avait emmene
sa paredre. Cette paredre est la deesse Elat, autrement dit Ash6rat, supplantee a
basse epoque par Astarte. On comprend, des lors, que Lucien (d.d.s., 4), parlant du
grand temple d'Astarte a Sidon, signale qu'un pr6tre du lieu lui a confie qu'en realit6
le sanctuaire 6tait dedi6 a Europe. Le pr6tre phenicien, sous ce vocable, designait la
d6esse Elat et ce qui nous autorise a l'affirmer ce sont les indications de l'Etymologicum
Magnum d'apres lesquelles les Ph6niciens, qui frequentaient Corinthe, reconnaissaient
dans l'Hellotia locale leur d6esse Elat-Europe." The whole problem must be studied
more closely. On the role of the bull in the Minoan cult see P. Demargne, Crete-
Egypte-Asie ("Annales de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes," Vol. II [Gand, 1938]), p. 44,
n. 2 (with bibliog.). It is perhaps interesting to observe in this connection that an
adoration of the bull among the Illyrians seems proved by names like 'E7rlraupos,
Taurisci or Tavplarat, Taruisium (2), Taurisium, Taurasia: see my notes in Rev. et.
indo-eur., II (1939), 16 ff.; 113 ff. (add there Taurisium in Moesia Superior, Procopius
De aedif. iv. 1. 17).
32 The idea that the Homeric IoIvIKes were Aegeans (Myceneans or Minoans) has
been expressed by several scholars: cf. M. P. Nilsson, Homer and Mycenae (London,
1933), p. 131: "It is, however, a fairly common opinion that the Phoenicians of Homer
are in reality the Minoans" (with bibliog.). The same idea was also defended by C.
Autran in several works (Pheniciens [Paris, 1920] [e.g., p. 81]; Tarkondemos [Paris, 1922-
23]; Tyr egeenne [Paris, 1938]) but with a method quite different from mine. Cf. also
A. H. Krappe, Amer. Jour. of Semitic Lang. and Lit., LVII (1940), 243: "Sous le
nom de 4olvLKes les Grecs d6signaient les populations 'myc6niennes' de la Grace, des
iles, de l'Asie Mineure et de la Syrie longtemps avant la conquSte s6mitique de la
Palestine." But none of these authors ever expressed the opinion, as far as I know,
that the 4olvtKes were originally Illyrians, or even Indo-Europeans.
C. Autran considers
them as 'asianiques,' which is little more than a name; Krappe holds them to be
the 'Chananite,' 'Pre-Semitic,' and non-Indo-European inhabitants of Palestine.
G. De Sanctis in his recent Storia dei Greci (Florence, 1939), I, 74, expresses the
strange idea that "questi Fenici, 'i rossi' [?], non sono se non i demoni[?!], naturali
compagni del dio solare Cadmo[!?][....]" He does not explain how it happened that "questi
Fenici si identificarono con i popoli della sponda di Palestina che si chiamavano Cananei
o si davano i nomi delle rispettive citta[....]" But he quite correctly states that "i
Fenici [semitici] non comparvero in quel mare [ =Aegean] o almeno non vi ebbero alcuna
importanza fin dopo il totale tramonto della civilta di Micene" (cf. also on this subject
Nilsson, Homer and Mycenae, p. 132).
That there should be ancient colonies of Aegean eIotviKeS in Spain before the Trojan
war, as Krappe pretends (p. 243) on the basis of Strabo iii. 14. 1 (sic), is of course
possible: Taprl-~6o's (ending -7acros) could have been one.
331 may observe, incidentally, that '*Xlapos, as well as Me4Xtalapos, an old name
of 'Ava&x7 (see below), seems to have a suffix -aro-, which is found in Illyrian place-names
(Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 58); and that 'Apfb3as -avros, the name of a Phoenician man
of Sidon (Odyssey xv. 426) has the Illyrian suffix -ant-, cf. Atrans, Beusas, Dasant-,
Verzant-, Bbuds etc. and see particularly Krahe, Personenn., 146.
34 Beloch himself actually has a vague idea of the way the problem should be put, for
he concludes (Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii. 75): "Wahrend der ganzen minoisch-mykenischen
Periode findet sich nichts, aber auch nicht das geringste, was auf phoenikischen Handel
nach dem Aegaeischen Meere schlieszen liesze; [. .. .] es ist charakteristisch, wie derGlaube an eine phoenikische Kolonisation am Aegaeischen Meere unter dem Einflusz
der archaologischen Funde des letzten Jahrzehntes sich in sein Gegenteil verwandelt
hat." This was written in 1913. It is much more evident in 1940.
Odyssey xv. 427 ff. is a good illustration of Beloch's intuition: it is narrated there
that Taphian (T&Atot) pirates raided the shores of Phoenicia, kidnapped a girl, and sold
her later in the island Zvpi-qn, ear Ortygia. T&oos (now Meganisi) is an Illyrian island,
near KapYos, facing Acarnania, in an Illyrian sea. So Illyrian pirates (Xltaoropes)-or
tradesmen, for there was little difference at that time-maintained commercial relations
between Phoenicia and the Aegean Sea. The Illyrians, and particularly the powerful
tribe of the Liburni, were at all times excellent seamen and feared pirates (see P.-W.,
RE, Suppl. v, s.u. Illyrioi, 345, 10 ff.; s.u. Liburni, 592 f.); the Roman ship liburna or
liburnica has its name from them (see P.-W., RE, s.u.). The Slavs, in the Middle Ages,
inherited their art (Uscocchi).
35I n Sicily we find 4oLvtKovaaa, 'ovLxKjb, o&w&KO(wBse loch, 247).
36 All ancient authors are agreed that the ZLKeXOL came to Sicily from Italy before the
Greeks (see P.-W., RE, s.u. 2Ke\XLa, cols. 2483 f.; RLV, s.u. Sikuler, 157, ? 1). In that
time all southern Italy was occupied by Illyrian tribes (cf., e.g., Wilamowitz, Herakles2,
10; Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 103 ff. with bibliog.). According to M. Mayer (Molfetta
[1904], 131-34) and Ribezzo (RIGI, III [1919], 101-2) the Sicilian slaves and those
Sicilians (ZLKeXol) to whom troublesome people were sent (Odyssey) lived in Italy
opposite Ithaca. They were then a remnant of the ZcKeXol who migrated to Sicily and
gave the land the name 2LKeXla.
37 More material will be found in various papers published in Glotta (see, e.g.,
Kretschmer, Glotta, XIV [1925], 87 ff.). Illyrian elements in Sicily are also admitted,
e.g., by Sommer, Abh. Ak. Munich (N.S.), IX, 77, n. 2 (the criticism of Alfonsina Braun
is of no value),
38T he name of the Phoenician MEJSXlaposm, entioned by Herodotus iv. 147, the
son of IIoLKiXis, seems to have an Illyrian suffix: see Krahe, Personenn., 146. Me3Xiapos
was also another name of the little island 'Av&ronne ar Thera, cf, Steph. Byz. s.u.
According to Athenaeus (viii. 360d, e, f; 361a, b, c), the o1vlKcesw ho once occupied
Rhodes were led by a chief called a\kavOos. This same name occurs in the legends of
Tarentum (cf., e.g., Strabo vi. 278 if.), originally an Illyrian town. The name 4^&Xav0os
itself seems to be of Illyrian formation (-vO-).
39I do not examine 'AWrrKO'lA: rTTKib ecause Kretschmer himself correctly remarks
that it is (Glotta, XXIV, 230) "ein besonderer Fall, beide Namen substantivierte
Adjektiva, doch 'ATTrKOuim anderthalb Jahrhunderte friiher, bei Alkaios Fr. 49, 4
Diehl (um 600 v. Chr.), bezeugt als 'ArruT&XKw) 'p oder bloszes 'ATrLKib ei Herodot."
I also omit the *AvKa which Kretschmer draws out of the Homeric AvUK7--YefVs,
which he compares with Kp7ra'yev's and identifies with the Hittite Lukkd (Glotta,
XXIV, 227). Even if we admit that he and not Sommer (IF, LV, 226 ff., 261) is right
in this point, we always arrive at the fact that this *AVKe, 'Lycia,' is no Greek formation
(the idea that the Lycians were old, barbarized Greek colonists, expressed by Kretschmer,
Glotta, XXIV, 235 ff., and elsewhere, has not been accepted, as far as I know;
cf. Sommer, IF, LV, 226 if.). I shall examine in another paper the possibility that they
were 'Pelasgians' or 'Proto-Illyrians,' at least in the Homeric age (later they perhaps
changed their speech).
40 The Illyrian character of the name 4Xey7a. is confirmed, in my opinion, by the
name of the inhabitants, )Xetybavres (cf. Kretschmer, Glotta, XIV [1925], 313, n. 1),
formed with Illyrian -nt- like 'Talres ("Ta; cf. also 'TavTr'vo with Illyrian -Zno-),
'AI4bKXa7res( "AlzvKXa)I, Ip&vres( IIpas Steph. Byz.), 'Api'a&s -avros ('AplcBroW, ackernagel,
Glotta, XIV, 44), Kopbt3avreos r Kbpf3avres( Kbpo7, see P.-W., RE, s.u.), "AfavrTes
("A3atc, cf. Jacobsohn, KZ, LVII [1929-30], 115 f.). Several of these peoples are expressly
said to be Pre-Greek and fBap#3apboLy ancient authors, and there is little doubt,
I think, that the Kopj6,avres belong to the Pre-Hellenic (Pre-Olympian) religion of
Kp6vos the Titan; they are said to be the first men on earth (P.-W., RE, s.u., 1441).
About the Ilp&vres see Schulze, Eigenn., 541, n. 4; they live in Perrhaebia, an Illyrian
region. For the Illyrian character of the suffix -nt- see Kretschmer, Glotta, XIV (1925),
84 ff.
41 The examples which Kretschmer (Glotta, XXIV, 226 ff.) cites of town or island
names drawn from common nouns are really not more convincing: Alyal is another
Illyrian name, cf. ALtyailn Macedonia (now Vodena), very far from the coast (the same
was also an old name of Kapvuo-rows, ith Illyr. -st-); the islands 'ExZvat (epic name),
which he connects with ex?vos, are situated in an Illyrian sea, '16,v&sK OXTr(oth eir
name was later Hellenized by Herodotus ii. 10 into 'Ex&tP8es: a proof, in my opinion,
that the name was not Greek!); on 'AXal see Sommer, IF, LV, 258; the connection of
KbAyi n Euboea with Gr. KVJtais at least doubtful. An island of the group of the 'Ex?pa&
or 'Exva4besw as called 'AprTEzraa; lso an Illyrian formation in an Illyrian sea (see also
Sommer, IF, LV [1937], 263). On the name 'I6vos (x6XkroSs)e, e Krahe, Personenn., 58;
13 f.
The regular Greek formation for names of lands is -Is, -t8os: I,wils, Awpls, AoKpls,
Ao\Xis,e tc. Later-in post-Homeric times- -i&a lso became frequent: Meaorr'via'I, aoKv'L,
etc. The formation of 4ottKfw is completely different from both.
42 I hope to present in another paper the evidence for the presence of Proto-Illyrians
in Crete in prehistoric times.
43 Sommer (Abh. Munich [N.S.], IX, 77, n. 1) adds '"E4pot: 'E4bp7; 'Eve'oi:
'EveTr; I add 'EXXol: 'EXXa (other name of Dodona, the town of the 'EXXoi); Kaaacrowo:
Kacro&rq(7c f. Jacobsohn, KZ, LVII [1929-30], 93 n.). All of them are doubtless Illyrian
(for 'EqbbFps ee Jokl, RLV, VI, 361; Schwyzer, Greich. Gr., 66). Cf. also Kbproves:
Kvpr&r,i in Boeotia (Fick, BB, XXIII [1897], 37) and see Fick, ibid., 233 f. The
accent of "EXXa,K aaoa6n7is quite regular, as the names have passed through Greek
transmission; cf. my article in Studi ital. di filol. classica, VIII (1930), 265-95.
44K rahe (Glotta,X VII [1928-29], 101) cites AtL&,abm ong Illyrian names in -C6, without
any further comment. I would remark in any case that the adjective AtlvvaTrTvos
(first in Herod. iv. 192. 13He) is a perfect Illyrian formation (-st-, -ino-: cf. Tergestinus
Onastinus Atestinus Aa1carTr'oL ALyvarZivoett c.). The idea of Wackernagel (Glotta,
XIV [1925], 47 f.) that AtLwvrTZrsohso uld be formed on the analogy of AL'yvcrTlos
Ligustinus seems unacceptable to me, for, as Wackernagel himself correctly points out,
Libya was known to the Greeks long before the Alyves! See also Wilamowitz, Hellenistische
Dichtung, II, 163. We find also ALtvarls, AfIv-rtas, Ai3UvaTLKA6fsi,b Ov-To
(see Wackernagel), all with -st-. The name of the Libyans first appears in Egyptian
records of the invasion of the "peoples of the sea" during the reign of the Pharaoh Merneptah
(about 1300 B.C.), under the form Rbw; cf. P.-W., RE, s.u. Libye, col. 151. Should
we consider the fact that the AiL3veasr e wavOo(is ee P.-W., RE, s.u. 150)? According
to Reche (RLV, VII, 2911) the Libyans belonged to the race Homo Europaeus, as the
"peoples of the sea" (RLV, I, 69 f.) and particularly the Philistines (RLV, X, 133). The
Homo Europaeus constituted the chief stock of the Indo-Europeans according to Reche
(RLV, VI, 671, s.u. Indo-germanen, B, Anthropologie), Gunther, Sieglin, and many other
scholars (their opinions now can be found represented in Germanen und Indogermanen,
Hirt-Festschrift Heidelberg [1936], Vol. I, where, however, political and national prejudices
surely are not absent).
Can we perhaps compare the Illyrian Liburni and the Illyro-Ligurian Libicii, ALtflKO
or Libui in northern Italy (see P.-W., RE, s.uu. Libici and Lebecii and Encicl. ital., s.u.)?
45T wo kings of the Minyans, 'AOh&aaEnsd 'EpyTvos,h ave Illyrian names. For the
suffix -lno- in Illyrian personal names see Krahe, Personenn., 145; Schulze, Eigenn., 36
(e.g., Acisinus, Andinus, Barcinus, Boninus, Brizinus, etc.).
46 In the redaction of this paper I am obliged for some very useful bibliographical
information to my friends Dr. C. H. Gordon, formerly of the Institute for Advanced
Studies in Princeton, Professor Doro Levi, and Mr. Donald Swanson. It is a pleasure
for me to thank them here very heartily.
The Name of the Phoenicians
Author(s): G. Bonfante
Source: Classical Philology, Vol. 36, No. 1, (Jan., 1941), pp. 1-20
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: www.jstor.org/stable/265183
Accessed: 21/06/2008 00:58
CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY
Volume XXXVI JANUARY 1941 Number 1
THE NAME OF THE PHOENICIANS
G. BONFANTE
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
The following paper is founded on the theory that Greece was
occupied, before the Greek invasion, by another Indo-European
people closely related to the historical Illyrians. This thesis I
defended at the December, 1939, meeting of the Linguistic Society of
America, reading a paper which I have not published as yet. But,
however, this thesis is by no means a new one, since it has been maintained
by well-known anthropologists (Penka, C. Fligier), archeologists
(Pernice, Carl Schuchardt, and others), philologists (E. Norden),
linguists (Conway, P. Kretschmer, Jacobsohn, Brandenstein, Budimir,
V. Georgiev), and historians of religion (Malten). The recent discoveries
of Trebeniste near Lake Ochrida in Macedonia have added greatly
to the arguments in its favor.
The Greek name for Phoenicians, which was later adopted by the
Latins, is ?OivLiKE(SIl iad xxiii. 744; Odyssey xiii. 272; xiv. 288; xv.
415 ff.), the land being oLyvtKV(O? dyssey iv. 83; xiv. 291; Herodotus
ii. 49, etc.). This name has no phonetic correspondence in any other
language, for the Jews called all the Phoenicians idonim, 'Sidonians,'
from the town Sidon, and this was perhaps also the name the Phoenicians
gave to themselves (cf. Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums3, I,
ii, ? 356).1 Even the Egyptian word fnh-w (fen6u), although present-
ing some resemblance in form, seems to have no relation whatever
with the Greek name ;2 it is even most doubtful if it really indicated the
Phoenicians (Miiller, Asien und Europa, 208 ff.; Meyer, op. cit., I, ii,
? 356 anm.), although K. Sethe (Mitteil. der Vorderasiat. Gesell., XXI
[1916], 307 ff.) has tried to make it likely; but he admits himself that
there are phonetic difficulties (k =f!) and that no national Phoenician
name is known which could be the basis of both the Egyptian and the
Greek word (p. 331; so also H. R. Hall, Recueil de travaux, XXXIV
[1912], 35 f.; Speiser, Language, XII [1936], 123). The other Egyptian
names of Phoenicia, hr = haru, dh = dahi or zahi (cf. Abel, Geogr. de la
Palestine, I, 329 f.; RLV, s.u. Phonikien, 134) cannot, of course, be
connected with Greek b$otlv.3
The other attempts to explain the Greek bolvtl have been justly
criticized and rejected by Sethe (pp. 305 ff.), whose conclusions I
heartily approve. But as recently (Language, XII [1936], 121) E. A.
Speiser has tried to resurrect the old theory according to which 1oivl,
'Phoenician,' comes from the adjective folvt, 'red,' and this from the
name of the purple, I consider it necessary to examine anew this side of
the problem.
First of all, it must be remembered that oltvZ, 'red,' is no Greek
formation;5 it is true that V. B6rard, Les Pheniciens et l'Odyss6e, II
(Paris, 1927), 36, quotes alWZ (which does not exist!), pb5Z, TKa&vatL,
to which we could add e3u4SlKIp,K tL/.3, KoXXLZ,0 Ta,r6&, Tr'p6b (TrVpi =
7rEp8ZL quoted by Boisacq has in reality a short i and must be written
7rxpLt !), but no adjectives in -s-, -lKOs exist in Greek or in any other
Indo-European language (whereas -zko- is frequent in Germanic, Indo-
Iranian, and Slav and exists in Latin; cf. Brugmann, Grundriss2, II, i,
495 ff.; Brugmann-Thumb, Griech. Gramm., 242; Schwyzer, Griech.
Gramm., 497; Chantraine, La Formation des noms, 382). The idea that
the Greeks should have formed a new name for an animal new to them,
the purple mollusk, from oLvob'sb' lood-red' is equally absurd, because,
as I. L6vy, Revue de philologie, XXIX (1905), 309, has correctly remarked,
the suffix -lK- is no longer productive in Greek,6 and it is not
credible that it should have been employed to create a new word for
a new animal or a new foreign product; the nouns in -Z$ just mentioned
(pdS , aKavYlt, etc.) are comparatively few, rare, and partly obsolete;7
moreover, most of them are difficult to etymologize, and we can by no
means expect that they should be taken as a model for new formations,
least of all at the time when the Greeks became acquainted with Syria.
As for the objects and animals (tree, bird, purple mollusk, collyrium,
musical instrument) which bore the name 4oiviZ, it is, of
course, evident that they draw their name from the people and not the
people from them: the same view has been expressed recently by
Chantraine, La Formation des noms, 382 ("ioDvtL, d'oui a Wt6 tire
q5olvL 'pourpre'; 'dattier, " etc.) and by F. M. Abel, Geographie de la
Palestine, I (1933), 254, note 1: "On n'admet guere aujourd'hui les
systemes qui font venir le nom des Pheniciens du palmier ou de la
pourpre (4oLvtL, OlVObqSu) 'ils exploitaient. Les produits connus sous
le nom de 0o?YLv: teinture, 6toffe, palmier, instrument de musique,
collyre, doivent plutot leur denomination au peuple qui les inventa ou
les fit connaitre au monde grec." This phenomenon (cf. Lat. asinus,
cuprum, Span. galgo, americana, Ital. bronzo, campana, pqsco, Fr. dinde,
hermine, turquoise, basque, cravatte, etc.) is observed by linguists in
all languages. The adjective otivlZ, 'red,' is either the 'purple' color
(cf. Fr. couleur mauve, rose, violette, marron) or the 'Phoenician' color
(cf. Lat. uenetus, spanus [Glotta, VIII, 233 ff.], Ital. turchino, perso,
indaco, etc.).
The ideas of V. Berard, Les Pheniciens et l'Odyssee, 12 ff., are now,
I think, rejected by everybody. But the survey he presents is useful.
See also Boisacq, Dict. etym., s.u. fovLt (with bibliog.).
Thus we always come back to the conclusion of Sethe: the name
of the people (4oLipvl) is primary, and the name of the color and of the
objects (4oivli) secondary. There is no means of passing from the
second to the first,8 whereas it is easy and, I would say, necessary to
follow the inverse way. The conclusions reached may be summarized
as follows: the hypothesis that otlv,t, IoivIt should come from olvo's,
corLtoS, OILrjVeL'sb, lood-red,' is impossible: (a) from the semantic point
of view, because peoples are not named from colors,9 but colors are
frequently named from peoples; (b) from the morphologic point of
view, because the Greek language does not form either ethnic names or
adjectives, or generally new nouns at all with the suffix -LK-.
Speiser thinks the question can perhaps be decided by some
Nuzi texts, which seem to prove that there was in that language an
adjective10 kinaUhu, meaning 'purple,' which is nothing else than the
name of the land Kinahhu, 'Canaan.' In my opinion this is an argument against rather than in favor of his interpretation. If the name of
the land became the name of the color in Nuzi, this seems to indicate,
I think, that we should expect the same to happen in Greek, which is
what I believe actually did happen: the 'purple red' color was called
the 'Phoenician' color.
Since none of the existing interpretations of the name botvit seems
to be satisfactory, there is room for a new hypothesis, which I propose
to present here. I feel the more free to do so, as Speiser in his article
(Lang., XII, 125) seems to consider as an argument against the
derivation of 'red' from oivolt, 'Phoenician,' the fact that in this case
the latter would be left without any connection.
The name 4olvlt was also originally the name of an Illyrian tribe
of Epirus (Schulze, SB Berl. Ak., 1910, 803 f.; Kretschmer, Einleitung,
172):11 4oLv,i , evidently their ancient eponym, was a king
of the Dolopians, AbXorEs12 (Iliad ix. 484 al.; Strabo ix. 430), an
Epirot tribe, who later settled partly in Skyros; and a place in the
land of the Illyrian Chaonians in Epirus founded by him was called
iOL'VtKr (exactly as the Syrian Phoenicia!), which, writes Schulze,
"man nach der Analogie von OpatLKu7 nd Kp'r7 als 'Stadt der 4OILKKES'
deuten kann"; not far from Epirus, near the Thermopylae, there was
a river 4oivl, which bears the name of the ibothLKEeSx actly as the
river Ka'KCoV in Achaia bears the name of the KabKweVs (Fick, BB,
XXII [1897], 55), the 'Iawv that of the 'Iaoves (Wilamowitz, Heracles2,
7) and the X&wivn Epirus that of the Xaoves or Xwves (P.-W., RE,
III, 2371; Wilamowitz, Heracles2, I, 10). By the way, both the Xaoves
and the Kav'Koves are Illyrian tribes (the KavKovesa re faappapoLa ccording
to Strabo vii. 321). Finally, the name 4botpZ and its derivatives
are found also in Boeotia, where Illyrian remnants are quite
noticeable:13 the hero boivl'! was located in the Boeotian 'EXcWV;
there was a spring 'otvlLK near Teyp' a; a OMLKLOV oOp oS near
'OyXr7oros; the town MEeewv had as epitheton 4OLPvKlS (cf. P.-W.,
RE, s.u. Europe, cols. 1289 f.; Toepffer, Att. Geneal., 294; Gruppe,
Griech. Mythol., 60). I will observe in passing that all of the four
place-names mentioned (Teybppa, 'EXe'ov, Me&ccv, 'Oyxqarbs) have
Illyrian names (ending -^v, suff. -vp-, -oar-; for MeSe&w see W.
Kroll, P.-W., RE, s.u.). The relations of Cadmus, Europe's brother
and Phoenix' son, with Boeotia are so well known that I need not
insist upon the subject.
Now Cadmus is an Illyrian hero, well rooted in Illyria (see P.-W.,
RE, s.u. Kadmos, cols. 1466 ff., and Norden, Alt-Germanien, 269 f.),
and when Strabo (vii. 321; ix. 401: see the passage quoted below)
and other authors speak of oIPIVLKEc who settled in Boeotia14 with
Cadmus, they surely preserve a tradition of the Illyrian, not of the
Syrian, Phoenicians, although perhaps they understood the latter under
that name. That the 4OLvLKes of Boeotia came from Syria no
modern scholar, I think, will seriously assert (see, e.g., Beloch, Griech.
Gesch.2, I, ii, 72).
The ending -LKES, with long Z, is found only in the name of pre-
Greek, Illyrian tribes who, exactly like these 4OIlYKES, settled in northern
Greece (and in the Troas): they are the rpaiKes or rpaCKeS, the
Te4u/cKes and the AWiKes.15 Since perhaps the origin of the name of
the Phoenicians may interest some who because of their studies are
not very familiar with this subject, and since Speiser neglects it completely,
I will cite the most important material.
1. The rpa?KcE (or rpp&KEs? see Dittenberger, Hermes, XLI [1906],
98 f.), who, according to Steph. Byz. s.u., settled in Parion, are, of
course, the same people as the rpaLKco of Epirus, attested indirectly by
Hesiod frag. 4 (Rzach2), who locates the hero rpatKbs in the land of
Deucalion's flood (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Graikos) and directly by Aristoteles
Meteor. i. 14. 352a: 6 KaXoL~?y evosr mA EVKaXcXIvosK araIcKvaUTos
[....] v7EVTyO [ ....] Trepl' EXXaaa rrv apXaiav' aivry 6'atrl 7XT7 replA co-
6&vtL [....] 6&LKOVyVa p olt eXXote vTavOa Kal ol KCaXovYevoL7 'Trr e Av
rpatKoi, vgv 8b "EXXvYES.16 It is the name of these Epirot rpaLKol which,
though originally not a Greek name, later in Rome became the name of
the Greeks. There is no doubt that Epirus was an Illyrian land until
the Hellenistic period (see Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums2, II, i, 271;
Kretschmer, Einleit., 254 ff.; 281; Krahe, Die Welt als Geschichte, III
[1907], 288). Specifically, the Illyrian character of the primitive rpaLKol
has been demonstrated by Helbig in his remarkable paper published in
Hermes, XI (1876), 257 ff. (cf. particularly pp. 276 ff.). See also Kossinna,
Festschr. Weinhold, 29 ff. (esp. 32); Wilamowitz, Hermes, XXI
(1886), 114 f.; XXXIV (1899), 609 ff. (who finally admits the authenticity
of Hesiod's passage); Beloch, Griech. Gesch.2, I, i, 234 f.; P.-W.,
RE, s.u.; Dittenberger, Hermes, XLI (1906), 78 ff., 198 ff., 88 f., 97 f.,
101 (97: "Sprachwidrigkeit eines solchen Ethnikon [rpaLKoi] auf hellenischem
Boden").17
The castle rpaCtKO in Moesia (Procopius De aedif. 285. 2) and the
Alpes Graiae (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Alpes col. 1602) are formed from the
same stem; cf. for the Alpes Grdiae the Latin Grdi = (raeci and my article
in BSL, XXXVI (1935), 141-54, where I gave some evidence for
the Illyrian character of the Alpine folk of the Raeti; also BSL, XL
(1939), 119-26 ("Le Nom de la ville de Geneve").
A people rpaps left their traces in Boeotia. Homer Iliad ii. 498
knows a town rpala between 0eareLa and MvKaXlao'os; Thucydides ii.
23. 2 (FpaiKir) iv vie,.ovrat '2p&7roL 'AOrvawiv vTrjKoot) locates them in
Oropos;18th e $jJuoso f the rpajs in Attica must have been in the neighborhood
of that town (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Graes and Graia); Stephanus
of Byzantium mentions a town rpala in the region of Eretria, opposite
Oropos (inhabitant rpa?os, see s.u.). I consider it very likely,
following Wilamowitz' opinion, that these rpaj7s were a scattered
branch of the rpaiKes, rpaCKoLm entioned above. '2pwro6si s probably
only another form of Evtpworos,1a9n Illyro-Macedonian place-name
(see P.-W., RE, s.u. Europa). Generally all the place- and rivernames
ending in -wcroSs eem to be Illyrian, among them the 'Aawros,
which passes through the region of 'Qpw7r6isn Boeotia. The material
has been gathered by W. Aly, Glotta, V (1914), 72 f., where I find:
EipwTros [sic] 2 Stadte in M[akedonien], Ka&ro 7res Kastell in M[akedonien],
'AX/w7rLaL andschaft in M[akedonien], 'Poboirts Hetare aus
Thrakien (wer hat sie so genannt?); nordgriechisch sind auch die Manade
EbcIT7unn d Amazone AuvKcrL."20 There was also an 'Qp2pw'oisn
Thesprotia (Steph. Byz.) (cf. also Evp&CTs7ere; below). The geographical
distribution of these names in Greece is also interesting: in Ionia
they are found only "wo auch andere Spuren auf west- und zentralgriechischen
Einschusz hinweisen." Compare chiefly Wilamowitz,
"Oropos und die Graer," Hermes, XXI (1886), 91 ff. Brugmann (IF,
XXII [1907-8], 183 f.) compares with rpaiKes, rpatKol, the name of
rFpaL-acos in Euboea, which (I think) nobody doubts today to be
Illyrian (see, e.g., Jokl, RLV, VI, 38).
2. The A0lKEs (1: Iliad ii. 744) lived on the slopes of the Pindos
and are mentioned by Strabo both in vii. 326 and in ix. 430 among
purely Illyrian tribes-the MoXorrot, 'AOacPaPes, TvM45aToL, 'Op'crraL
IIapwpaoLo, 'ATLvTaves, MaKeP6ves, 'AMA4olXoXL(c f. also vii. 321).21
Hirschfeld (P.-W., RE, s.u.) writes: "Aithikes, ein seiner Abstammung
nach zu den epirotischen Volkerschaften geh6riges Volkchen." They
no longer existed in Strabo's time.
3. The TEUjLUKE(T(S: Lykophron 644), who settled in Boeotia, together
with two other folks of Illyrian origin, the "Aoves and the
"TavrrS, were still considered "barbarian" by Strabo vii. 321: -aXreb
6o TL Kal r) avirwtraaa 'EXXas KaTroLKa fapfapwv V7rprpe rT Iraaloatv.....
TrPvp Lv yap 'ArvLTTK ol UeTXEr utLo6X'roOv paiKes e(Xov, TrS be cOKl8OS
rrV AavXiSa Tflpevs, rrjY 6 KaSuelaC ol eTra K6a8iov 4 OLVLKES, avTriv
S6 Tr) Boltcrcla "Aoves Kal TE4.LIALKKEaSl 'TarVES; and so ix. 401: 'H 6'
o8v BoLcotra TrpoTEpoV iLEV iro apap3cpv (LKElTO' Aovco Kal TerJ,IIIKWCEK
TroV ovUilov reT7rXavyrvjE Kal AEXCYWVK cal' TTaortTOWL'K ESe lTa %XOP
ol EJra K&a5UovC. ompare also P.-W., RE, s.u. Temmikes and Schachermeyr,
Etrusk. Friihgeschichte, 254, 267 ("vorgriechische Volksreste";
"Restv6lker").
If we consider that the majority, or at least a part, of the "peoples
of the sea" were Indo-Europeans who came, directly or not, from
Illyria,22 the idea that one tribe of them should have an Epirot name
and should have given it to the Phoenicians will seem quite likely. I
shall only recall from what poor origins such glorious names as Italy
or Hellas have started; and even if we admit-as I think we must admit-
that about 1200 and later the great majority of the Phoenician
population was Semitic, this would be no inconvenience, as aristocracies,
even those only temporarily dominant, often give their names
permanently to subjugated peoples: I may cite the case of the
French, Normans, Lombards, Burgundians, Andalusians, and many
others.
But I do not even pretend that (IoltvKES was at any time the national
name of the Phoenicians; we only know that this was the name
the Greeks gave them (see, e.g., Winckler, Altor. Forsch., I [1893], n.
2).23 It also happens frequently that the name which strangers give to
a people is quite different from the name this people gives itself; this
was even so common in ancient times that it seems almost to have
been a rule.24 The Germans are called Germans by the English, Allemands
by the French, Njemtsy by the Russians; the ancient Greeks
were always called Graeci at Rome; the Celts, Galli (Caesar BG i. 1).
None of these names was or is used as a national name by the people
itself, nay, is even known at all, apart from cultivated persons. And
I could easily prolong the list.25 The case of the ancient Greeks is particularly interesting, because Graeci = rpaLKo was in reality the name
not of*greek but of an Epirot, Illyrian tribe, so that the Greeks
were given by the Romans a name of a little tribe which had no connection
with them at all, either linguistic or political, except geographical
proximity (though perhaps some cultural bond; but even that is
most dubious).
Recent archeological discoveries have proved that, beginning with
1350 B.C. approximately, the cultural influence of the Aegean civilization
in Phoenicia becomes very strong. It seems necessary to attribute
it to the influence of an Aegean people who began invading and probably
conquering the land about that time. This is the opinion of C. L.
Woolley (Syria, II [1921], 189 ff.):
More bibliography will be found in BPhW (1935), p. 522.29
The chronology is in order, as the date of the Iliad-the oldest document
for the name Lo'vLKEs-cannot be put earlier than the tenth
century B.C., whereas the conquest of Phoenicia by this Aegean folk
belongs to the thirteenth century (latest date).
The relations between Illyria and Phoenicia are clearly reflected in
the Greek legend: Cadmus, an Illyrian hero, the representative him
self of the Illyrians (see the material in P.-W., RE, s.u. Kadmos, cols.
1466 f.; s.u. Illyrios and cf. Norden, Alt-Germanien, 269 f.), was connected
in many ways with Phoenicia (see P.-W., RE, s.u. Kadmos,
cols. 1470 f.; Beloch, Griech. Gesch., I2, ii, 72); he was the brother (or the
son) of IolvlS, a king of Sidon and ancestor of the 4ovIcKES (cf. particularly
Herodotus ii. 49; v. 57 ff.). Cadmus imported into Greece the
alphabet, the boLVLKcojira K abutzia ypa/.tl.ara (Herod.). It is also important
to notice that K&abtosi s called ovaeEgLz ev 3iapfapos, voblcot b
"EXXv (together with IIJXo/, AiVyUrTo, Aavaos) in Plato Menexenos
245D. He is considered as an assimilated hero of foreign origin.
Evp&crrtfh, e daughter of oivti, (Iliad xiv. 321), is closely connected
with Phoenicia (cf. Herodotus i. 2) and at the same time with Epirus,30
Aetolia, and other Illyrian regions, also with Caria-4oLYtKMex, actly
like 4olyvi (see above), moreover with Crete; see P.-W., RE, s.u.
Europe cols. 1288 ff., particularly 1287, 65 f.: "Epeiros diirfte damit
als Stammland der E[uropa] gelten"; "Auf den Ausgangspunkt der
E[uropa]-Sage, Epeiros, weist uns wieder die Genealogie." Her epithet
'EXXcorls or 'EXXwrla (Ath. xv. 678b and Etymol. mag., s.u.
'EXXworlaa) lso takes us back to Epirus, the land of the 'EXXoi,t he
"EXX-Vresa,n d the "EXX-ores;t he formation is a good Illyrian one,
cf. Bo'ov opos, BoLot: BotwOrol; Siculi: 2IKoUX-<raC; likewise Oea~rp-Crol,
'A-Tro6S-W(rsoe e Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 9, 37, 64, 115 with bibliog.).
Espw7rbsis an Illyro-Macedonian name, see P.-W., RE, s.u. (and here
above), and so surely also Evpc7'rr; already in 1905 (Vorgriech. Ortsnamen,
21) Fick admitted that neither was Greek, although he added:
"die Namen sind eben blosz grazisiert, wenn auch nicht ohne Geschick."
Cf. also Jacobsohn, KZ, LVII (1929-30), 94 n.31
Caria was once called 4oLVtKf/ (Athenaeus iv. 174 f.); probably a
fraction of the Illyrian POlVIKES stopped or settled in Caria on its way
to Syria. See also P. Giles in Cambridge Ancient History, II, 27; D. G.
Hogarth, ibid., 557. Illyrian elements in Anatolia have been noticed
by several scholars, cf. particularly Krahe, Die Welt als Geschichte, III
(1937), 287, 298 ff., and many more can be found.
According to Herodotus i. 170, Thales of Miletos was ro y'eos
botivL. Can we perhaps see in this a trace of the old Aegean Phoenicians,
who also gave their name to Caria? See on this point I. L6vy,
Revue de philologie, XXIX (1905), 313: "I1 est maintenant clair que
pour H6rodote,-ou plut6t pour la source plus ancienne qu'il transcrit
sans la comprendre, car par botlYLt il n'entend partout ailleurs qu'un
Phenicien au sens classique-Thales se rattachait a la population indigene
des environs de Milet, et que sa famille 6tait carienne." I shall
examine in another paper the name Thales, which seems to me to be of
Illyrian formation (-et-).
Perhaps C. L. Woolley (Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology
[Liverpool], IX [1922], 56) was right when he saw in the OoiCvKES of
Thucydides i. 8 (KaLo X croaaXolvo araL raa v oLv Ylo&wTaKC,a pcs re OTres
Kal (oiLVKES. OVTOLya p 6r ras TrXElarasT r& vf'aov wLKrlav before King
Minos' days) the old Aegean, Pre-Hellenic Phoenicians,32 who had
not yet migrated toward the land to which they later gave their name.
In the same way can be explained the old traditions which spoke of
Phoenician colonies in the whole Aegean basin (Thera, Melos, Oliaros,
33 Pronektos on the Propontis, Rhodes); a god or hero )otivi~
appears at Thasos, Crete, Kythera (Herodotus i. 105); an 'AOrva
'ovitLK was venerated in Corinth. The place-names Dou4cKatov near
Corinth, (oLVLKOiVS in Kythera, 1o?lviOK (or "Ios) in the Sporades
(Steph. Byz. s.u. "Ios), bovltv or 4owYKoOs in Crete also preserve a
trace of these Aegean 4oLvIKES (the citations can be found in Beloch,
Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii, 66 ff.; cf. also Fick, Vorgriech. Ortsnamen, 123 ff.).
Beloch was surely right in a way, when he flatly denied, on historical
and archeological evidence, the existence of colonies of the Asiatic
Phoenicians in Greece or in the Aegean Sea. But he went too far in his
destructive criticism (which was the mode in his time). The connection
between the Syrian and the Aegean 4olvZKEs must be admitted;
only the direction of the migration must be inverted.
The same may probably be said of another passage of the same
author, VI, ii, 6: here Thucydides informs us that when the Greeks
first colonized Sicily-which was already in the eighth century B.C.-
they found there COLVLKES( iLKOVV 56 KatlP OiLLKcS7 repl Iraaav rT'v2 cLKcXLav).
Beloch (Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii, 245 ff.) has demonstrated that it is
impossible that the Phoenicians, whether from Phoenicia or from
Carthage, settled in the island so early. The idea seems to me very
attractive that these OoLKIKES who preceded the Greeks in Sicily35 were
nothing else than another branch of the Epirot tribe of 4oltviKES we
have spoken about. The Illyrian colonization in Sicily is largely
proved by historical tradition36 and by toponomastic evidence; the
name 7;KeXol itself seems to be Illyrian (see Krahe, Geogr. Namen,
73, 105).37 It is particularly important to observe that the whole Illyrian
colonization of southern Italy and Sicily started precisely from
Epirus, passing through the strait of Valona. The place and ethnic
names on both shores of the southern Adriatic are largely the same
(see, e.g., P.-W., RE, s.u. Illyrioi, Suppl. v, 322, 2 ff., with bibliog.)
That Thucydides (vi. 2. 6) should, of course, misinterpret the old
local tradition and apply the name 4olcVKEs to the later colonists coming
from Phoenicia through Carthage, was (we must admit it) almost
inevitable.
It is very interesting to observe that the Philistines, Greek IaXataTrvoL,
an Indo-European people, came from Epirus-where a place
Palaeste is known (see Jacobsohn, BPhW, 1914, 983)-exactly as
their relatives, the Proto-Illyrian Dolv'LKESw, ho gave their name to
Phoenicia.38
As a final remark, I will observe that the formation of the landname
4I)otv0K1 directly from the stem 4oLviK- of POLPLKCS is by no
means Greek, as F. Sommer (Abhandl. Akad. Munich [N.S.], VI
[1932], 352 ff.; ibid., IX [1934], 76 ff.) and (indirectly) A. G6tze (Madduwattas,
54 f.) have noted against Forrer (MDOG, No. 63 [1924], 9),
F. Schachermeyr (Hethiter und Achder [1935], 69 ff.), and P. Kretschmer
(Glotta, XVIII [1929-30], 164) in a well-known polemic about the
Hittite land-name Ahhiyawd. The latter name, Sommer and Gotze
observe, is not a Greek formation, nor does a name *'Axa?Fa exist in
Greek. Kretschmer answered (Glotta, XXI [1932-33], 227 ff.; XXIV
[1935-36], 224 ff.) citing39 Kp7recs:K p',rT14;O VLLKES: 'OLV1K?1O; p/KEs:
Opr'iKr)A; lipves: At3i ; Mporer: MEp6or; "IOaKos, "IOaKoL'I: O&K7"; EXLvoL:
'EXlva; KeXuaOoL: KeXaiOa; IaiLaKes: BaLtaK1; Apuo7res: Apu6ovr;
MLvbaL: Mwi a; XeybCau: Xe'yva40 (the last six are town names, like
the 4boLvtKro f Epirus).41 Without entering here into the difficult problem
of Ahhiyawd, I must remark that Sommer is completely right
when he asserts that none of these names is Greek (cf. Sommer's reply
to Kretschmer, IF, LV [1937], 254 ff.); I do not think that any scholar
will have any doubt about Kpijres: KptrI, were it only in consideration
of the 'Ere6Kp7Tes! 42B aiL&K7'E, XYva, 'I1a&Kf,K eXaita43 are Illyrian
names in Illyrian regions, as Sommer himself points out; they follow a
regular Illyrian formation rule and not a Greek one, as W. Schulze,
Eigenn., 541 had observed (see also Bechtel, Griech. Dial., II, 86; Jacobsohn,
KZ, LVII [1929-30], 93 ff.); the same can be said of Apvu67ro n
the Oeta, the town of the ApboTres, an Illyrian tribe with the Illyrian
suffix -or- (see above); the same morphologic element appears in Mepo-
?res:M epor? (cf. also 'A'po7res: 'Aepo6wT',A CpoIros),t he old name of the
island of Kos, which we must consider as a remnant of the old Proto-
Illyrian invasion of Greece (later the name was Hellenized; Thucydides
viii. 41 has the form Meporls instead of Mepo'r7).
In conclusion, of the names cited above, some must, and all can44 be
Illyrian, with the possible exception of OpVrfK (OpiKes); the latter
in any case belongs to an Indo-European people, linguistically closely
related to the Illyrians. As for the MLv(aL45a nd the QXAeyvaKc,r etschmer
himself (Glotta, XXIV, 226) doubts their Greek nationality;
Krahe (Glotta, XVII [1928-29], 101) seems to consider them as Illyrians.
Almost all scholars, I think, agree that they are in any case
Pre-Greek. But their case is somewhat different, for the stem is not,
strictly speaking, consonantal, as in IoLy/K-r7.
I conclude that the formation of the name otLvtKirsl not Greek, but
Illyrian, or rather Proto-Illyrian, as the stem itself.
See the footnotes; very interesting
1 But perhaps they usually called themselves Canaanites, from the land Canaan or
Xva (El Amarna, Kinahhi), which in Greek was 4OLyvK1: see Abel, Geogr. de la Palestine,
I (1933), 254 and cf. Augustine Ad Rom. inch. expos. 13 (PL, XXXV, 2096):
interrogati rustici nostri [Puni] quid sint, Punice respondentes Chanani [....] quid aliud
[CLASSICAPLH ILOLOGYX,X XVI, JANUARY, 1941]
respondent quam Chananaei? The Greek IoivIKEs translates both Chanaanites and Sidonians
in the Bible (see Abel).
H. R. Hall writes in Recueil de travaux, XXXIV (1912), 35, n. 3: "We have no proof
whatever that the Phoenicians called themselves or thought themselves anything else
but Canaanites like the rest of their relatives in Palestine."
2 According to H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms geographiques contenus dans les
textes hieroglyphiques (Le Caire, 1925-31), II, 161, the name fenkhou (fnh) was a "nom
commun signifiant les 'attaches,' 'les captifs' [...]. Ce ne fut qu'a l'6poque Ptolemaique
que des raisons de pure assonance en restreignirent la signification aux seuls 4OLvLKES
ou Ph6niciens." Cf. also Gauthier and Sottas, Un decret trilingue en l'honneur de Ptolemee
IV (Le Caire, 1925), 26: "Ce n'est qu'a l'6poque grecque que l'assonance fenkh-
QcOLVKco- nduisit a une fausse assimilation de ces pillards fenkhou avec les Ph6niciens."
3 I write boilvt, which is the resultant orthography to be expected in consideration
of the long Z of )oviVKoS, 4o01vKL, 'olviKeS, etc.; it is also the spelling of many ancient
manuscripts (see Pape-Benseler s.u.). Speiser and others write Joivto , evidently on
the authority of Choiroboskos, p. 1234 Bekk., which in this case, however, I think to
be based on late speculation and late habits of speech.
4 Very objectively, Speiser acknowledges that "the use of geographic terms to
describe local products is quite normal. In the case of oZlvtwh,o wever, the reverse of
the process has to be assumed. Does it mean that the Greek word for 'red purple' must
be derived from the ethnicon 4Ooilt after all? In that case the latter would be left
without any etymology [!], the equation with Egyptian Fnh-w being definitely out. Now
the cuneiform evidence strongly favors a connection between the names for the people
and their product." But I cannot understand what follows: "Such a connection can
be maintained for Greek if we start out with 'red purple' (based on otv$6s'b lood-red')
and proceed thence to the OiYVtKebSu, t not vice-versa." Why? Cannot such connection
be maintained exactly the same if we start out with 'oilvi, 'Phoenician,' and
proceed thence to 'red purple,' as other scholars have suggested?
6Speiser, Language, XII, 121, writes that 4)olivi is derived from "the adjective
4otv6s 'blood-red' with the suffix -zc-, a perfectly normal construction according to
W. Schulze [SB (Berlin, 1910), 803 f.]." He forgets (a) that -ik- forms no adjectives and
(b) that it forms ethnic names (AZKicEs,T IE/UiKESr,p a&iKe, see below), but in Illyrian, and
not in Greek!
6 Cf. also Chantraine, La Formation des noms en grec ancien, 382: "Les exemples [du
suffixe -iK-] sont peu nombreux, malaise a interpreter; il n'existe pas de syst0me productif."
7Moreover, none of them is derived from an adjective, as qoivlf is claimed to be
from bowo6s
8 The only theoretically possible way for deriving folvil from OLItOh6ass been hinted
at by Sethe, Mitt. Vorder. Gesell. der Wiss., 1916, 306: 4oivl, once might have meant
the (professional) 'purple-dyer,' and would be connected with the verb owivlraa'',t o
redden,' 'to become red,' in the same way as ava5 with avaaaco, qfvXaa with fuX&aaaow,
and KjpVT with K bpaCW.
But there is no evidence whatever that colvl ever meant the 'purple-dyer' and even
less that a 'purple-dyer' should have ever been called the 'red,' unless in a chance jest.
Sethe himself absolutely rejects the hypothesis, which he discusses only for the sake
of completeness.
9 Of course, we have the Redskins and the Negroes; but, as it has been observed
several times, this argument would be available only if we could prove that the Phoenicians
themselves were 'red'; which does not seem to have been the case.
10 In the languages of the ancient peoples of the Near East, the same word (e.g.,
Kinahhu) is used as name of the land (noun) and as name of the people (noun or
adjective).
n There was an old family in Attica which had the name 'Ioi'iKes (Hesychius s.u.;
see Toeppfer, Att. Geneal., 300); it surely is a remnant of the old Proto-Illyrian, Pre-
Greek population of Greece.
12 The ending -o7r- in ethnic names is Illyrian; cf. Jokl, RLV, VI, 34, 38 f., 44 f.;
ZNF, II (1927), 243. Cf., e.g., the 'A~pores,N &pores, "EXXooreAs,p bvoresA, evplores,
Adriopes. The dilettante "Caucasian" interpretation of R. Eisler (Caucasica, V [1928],
78 ff.), although it seems to attract Chantraine, La Formation des noms, 259 f., is
rejected with full reason by J. Friedrich, IF, XLVIII, (1930), 96, and by Schwyzer,
Griech. Gramm., 78.
13 On the Illyrian toponomastic of Boeotia see, e.g., Jokl, RLV, VI, 371; Krahe,
Die Welt als Geschichte, III (1937), 289.
14At p. 803 Schulze writes: "Der Name der Phoeniker, der in der mythischen
Vorgeschichte Boeotiens eine Rolle spielt, mag sich urspriinglich auf diesen Stamm
bezogen haben, und nicht auf die semitischen Namensvettern." I believe the name of
the Syrian and the Boeotian 4oLivlKEtSo be the same, but the relation to be the inverse
of what was previously considered to be the case. See also Bechtel, Griech. Dial., II, 81.
15 The names of the KiXtKes and of the Opa(KeS (Homer: OpliKes - v) are different,
because they have short L.
A place-name KiXLKESd, eclined as a stem in -ik-, is found in Illyria (see Krahe,
Geogr. Namen, 20, 72); but, of course, we do not know whether the i is long or short. A
suffix -iko-, -ika- is frequent both in Illyrian (and Venetic) geographical and personal
names: see Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 72; Personenn., 148 f.; Glotta, XVII (1929), 89;
Schulze, Eigenn., 29 ff. Also -ak-, -ako-, -oko-, -eko- are found (Krahe, ibid.; add the
aialKes and Ba&hK?7).
16A ristotle evidently has this from an older source, in which 'TEXXtvessti ll was the
designation of an Epirot tribe around Dodona; see chiefly Dittenberger, Hermes, XLI
(1906), 97 f.; in other words, he means the inhabitants of the 'EXXas i &pXaia which
he has just mentioned. "EXX7ve=s" EXX&ves(o nce *'EXXaves)h as the Illyrian (Epirotic)
ending -aves. Awbs&v has also an Illyrian ending (-5nd).
The obscure gloss rpaKes' 7rap' 'AXKavtp al TCW'EVX XvYoPl C7rTpesK al wap&d2 o0oKXe?
4v IIoLiailv (Steph. Byz. s.u. and Herodianus i. 379. 9) must likewise be based upon
some text where "'EXXqYheasd the same meaning as rpatlol; there was also probably
a confusion with ypaGs, ypata, 'old woman' ('mother'). See Brugmann, IF, XXII
(1907-8), 183 ff.
17 The only other example which Dittenberger can find of an ethnic name in -K&S
on the Hellenic peninsula is 'AreLptCKt6hse; 'ATreLpKoil ived "irgendwo in den umwegsamen
Gebirgstalern der AltrwXa TriKirros [!]." He rightly remarks (p. 101): "Und
daraus wird sich die Abweichung vom sonstigen griechischen Gebrauch erklaren; denn
in jenen Gegenden war bekanntermaszen die Grenze zwischen hellenisch und barbarisch
keine feste, sondern der Uebergang ein allmahlicher, so dasz das Auftreten einer
zdworatr nzicwheti faeullfofsa lliennd kogaenrnm."
s The commentary of Steph. s.u. on this Boeotian Oropos is very interesting:
KeKX?7raat7 ro 'Qpcoroi rou MaKeb6vos Tro AVKaovoS.S ee also P.-W., RE, s.u. Europos, 9.
19 The phonetic relation is the same as that between AevpiorES (AevupioTro) Deuri
(Aevptas) and Awp5ets (which is also an Illyrian but not a Proto-Illyrian name, cf.
the 'TXXetsa nd the Avu,aVes);t he manuscript of Steph. Byz., s.u. Kb3pal has even
Aw[pt]o7rcoYcf;. Pliny N.H. iii. 142 and see H. Kiepert, Lehrbuchd er alten Geographie,
360 f. Beloch, Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii, 56, admits the connection, first proposed by Fick,
BB, XXIV (1899), 299, between the AevpLOres, the Aoupiores, and the Awopzts, but,
like Fick, he thinks that all three of them are Greek; which is impossible at least for the
first two. Perhaps the Apbo7res are also related in some way (note the suffix -or- and
see n. 12 above).
20 In Epirus there were three ethnic names in -coro's: Kapwtrws or Kapco7rs, KaaoXwro's,
and KotXwors; see Bechtel, Griech. Dial., II, 81.
21T he MoXorrot (-ooti), the 'Artvraves, and the 'OpEo-raLar e expressly called
fBapfapotb y Thucydides in ii. 80; the 'AA,1iXoXoinL ii. 68. Also for the others-Macedonians
inclusive-there are numerous and clear statements. The endings and the
formation of most of their names are Illyrian (suff. -st-, -aio-, -aves, -6ves; as for the
'A,uqiXoxoLc, f. the Ambi-draui, Ambi-lici, Amb(i)-isontii and the personal name
Ambi-sanos: see Krahe, Personenn., 4; P.-W., RE, s.u. Ambisontii).
22I consider this as certain for the Pelesta-Philistines
(IIaXaLur?vots, ee below),
the Sekelesa=ZtKeXol, and for the Dardanay= ApSavoL; as likely for the Takkra=
TeOKpoLt,h e Trs = Tpioes,a nd the Lukki= -AKLOLI. shall examine the whole question in
another paper and for the time being refer the reader to A. Gotze, Kulturgeschichte des
alten Orients (1933), 186, n. 1; F. Schachermeyr, Etruskische Frihgeschichte (1929), 28 f.
23 See also Abel, G6ogr. de la Palestine, I (1933), 253 f.: "Ce nom [semitique] primitif
ayant d6fi6 les recherches[!], le mot 4OiVLKEs reste pour d'autres savants une cration
des Hellenes eux-memes ...." Cf. Herodianus (ed. Lentz) i. 399; ii. 633, 648, 913:
Xva' orTcW7y ap7 rp6repov [!v] cotv&iKric/ aXe'ro.
24 It even frequently happens that a people gives itself no name at all (e.g., the
Indians, the Abyssinians, etc.; Japan, Japanese, Nippon, is a name of Chinese origin).
The explanation is not difficult: the unity of a people is felt much more clearly by a
stranger than by the elements of the people itself. These feel much more clearly their
local, regional, or tribal peculiarities, and the opposition-sometimes even hostileagainst
their neighbors of the same stock, to such an extent, that the "national" sentiment
often does not exist or is very weak. This fact-the antipathy or even hostility
between branches of the same folk-is well known in history. So for the English or the
Italians, Germany is a clearly defined idea; but a German feels very strongly his
regional peculiarities of Bavarian, Saxon, Rhenish, etc., which the stranger seldom
notices, unless he lives a long time in the land. In the same way, an Italian often feels
himself above all as Sicilian, Milanese, Venetian, Neapolitan, etc., whereas for an Englishman
he is "Italian" and nothing else. See on the whole problem Schwyzer, Griech.
Gramm., 78; R. Much, Hirt-Festschrift, 514 iff. (with my review in Emerita, V [1937], 150).
I may, moreover, observe, concerning changes of folk-names, that the Greeks are
called 'PcA/a?oitn the Near East (and even themselves apply now a derivative of this word
to their own language); that the German name Welsch (from Volcae) now indicates the
French, a Latin-speaking people; that Wenden (from Veneti) is now the name of a Slav
folk; that Germans (Germdni) is no Germanic name (see on this subject Norden, Alt-
Germanien, 261 ff.: he holds the name to be Illyrian, whereas it was until now generally
considered as Celtic); that the Britons, the Prussians and the Bavarians are now
Germanic folks, and that the Bulgarians and the Bohemians are Slavs.
251 may add, e.g., the following instances:
English Name National Name
Basques ................................. Euskara
Finns or Finlanders .........................Suomi
Albanians .............................. Shqipetare
Berbers ...................... Imdzighen or Imfushdg
Georgians ... . . .........................cartvelni
Hungarians ............................ Magyarok
Armenians ................................ Haykh
Dutch (French Hollandais)
.
............ Nederlander s
I would add that the Esths or Esthonians, who call themselves Eesti, are called
Virolaiset by the Finns and Cudi by the Russians. The Finlanders called the Russians
Venaja (from Venedae). Some scholars believe the name Slavs itself to be of Germanic
origin (Masing, A. Stender-Petersen; see Encicl. ital., s.u. "Slavi," p. 939).
26 The passage Iliad xxiii. 740 if. (the only one where the Phoenicians are mentioned
in this poem) is of*great importance in this connection:
HII)XeL6rS 6'ai &a\\Xa TLOELra XVT7rTOS &eOXa,
&ap'ypeov Kp?17Trpa, Trevyroivo v ''
~ 6'&pa Ijcr'pa
Xavbavev, abrT&p Ka&XXeeLv iKa waaav e7r' alav
roXX\6v, Trel 2L56vyes 7roXv5aiaL6XoL e5 o'Kfloay,,
DoivLKes a'&'yov &vYpes k7r' iepoESka 7rOJVTov,
aTcjaav 8'ev XLiJLveOaL, 06avrL 86 G.cpov e&bKaC.
Here the "Phoenicians" are clearly contrasted (5e) as seafaring tradesmen and transporters
of goods to the sedentary "Sidonians," who are merely producers of goods.
This passage-the oldest mention of the name "Phoenicians" we possess-is a good
illustration of the archeological evidence brought up by Woolley and other scholars in
favor of an Aegean trading population sailing between the Aegean Sea and Syria, and
partly settling among the sedentary Semitic population of the latter land.
These conclusions are completely confirmed by the other passages, both of the Iliad
and of the Odyssey, where Phoenicians or Sidonians are mentioned: cf. the excellent
commentary of W. Leaf in his edition (London, 1888), II, 425: "The distinction between
the Sidonians as craftsmen and the Phoenicians as traders is always observed inH[omer]. For the former cf. Z 290-1a, 618." See also the commentary of J. U. Faesi
(Berlin, 1877) on the same passage (Iliad xxiii. 740 ff.); Brunn, Kunst bei Homer, p. 7;
Nilsson, Homer and Mycenae, pp. 131 f. and Ebeling, Lex., s.u. ZL6ivoet. In Iliad vi.
289 ff., Paris-Alexander is said to have kidnapped from ZL3ovir) some Sidonian women,
who worked embroidering robes in his palace in Troy. Such a kidnapping, which is not
isolated (cf. Odys. xv. 427 ff.), seems to indicate that the industrious "Sidonians" were
not even the masters of their own sea facing the shores of their own land: they were the
victims of piracy, no pirates themselves. See also n. 34 below.
It is perhaps not useless to recall what Proclus writes in his r6sume of the Kivrpta
(Scriptores Metrici Graeci, ed. Westphal [Leipzig, 1866], I, 234) about Paris' travel (cf.
Iliad vi. 290 f.): Kal 7rpoa,evXOesl x2 X&v O6' AXecauSpos aiped rrjv r6X\tv.
Cf. also Abel, Geographie de la Palestine, I (1933), 257: "C'est moins par des limites
territoriales que par leur goftt pour les transactions lointaines et la navigation, que les
Pheniciens se distingu6rent des Canan6ens attach6s a la glebe."
27 Dussaud, Rev. hist. rel., CIV (1931), 354, writes: "Bientot, cependant, les marins
egeens abordent 'a Ras Shamra et y apportent les produits des lies et du continent grecs.
Ce mouvement commercial est suivi d'un mouvement d'immigration de plus en plus
dense [note: 'Un souvenir de cet evenement s'est conserv6 dans les legendes touchant
le Casius; cf. Syria, X, p. 301-2. La 16gende de Cadmus tire une lumiere nouvelle des
decouvertes de Ras Shamra; cf. Syria, XI, p. 189-90']." In the chronological table of the
following page, Dussaud marks in the fourteenth to thirteenth centuries: "Apport d'un
contingent 6geen (chypriote et myc6nien)." Cf also Rev. hist. rel., CVIII (1933), 26:
"Ainsi les Egeens qui avaient supplante les Pheniciens a Ras Shamra, c'est-a-dire
a l'extreme nord de la Syrie, les evinclrent encore d'Ashdod, a l'autre extr6mite du pays."
Then his book Les Civilisations prehellMniques129, 9, 282 ff., 303 ff., and recently C. F. A.
Schaeffer, Ugaritica (1939), 22, 25, 32 ff., 42 ff., 46 ff., 53 ff., and the whole second
chapter (pp. 53-106). On pp. 67 ff., 99 ff., Schaeffer asserts that there was not only
importation of objects but a real immigration of Aegean population in Syria, in two
periods (first eighteenth to seventeenth, then again fourteenth to thirteenth century).
28 This chronological question is, of course, of quite secondary
importance for my
thesis, as the name ?ovlyKes appears first in the Iliad. Any date before the tenth century
B.c. is equally appropriate for my purpose.
29 Cf. also Speiser, Language, XII (1936), 125: "In view of this [archeological discovery]
it may be permissible to conjecture that the word ,otZvt was brought to
Syria[!] by the Myceneans who found the place an excellent source of supply of the shells
required."
A direct cultural relation between Illyria and Phoenicia seems to be definitely indicated
by some very important axes, which have been studied by Radu Vulpe in Prdhist.
Zeitschr., XXIII (1932), 132 ff. His conclusions are summarized and criticized by W.
Hartke (quoted by Norden, Alt-Germanien, 270, n. 3): "Auf Grund des Vorkommens
von bestimmten Axttypen, die er neben orientalische Stiicke stellen will, im Raume
Skutari-Cattaro, glaubt er die Sage von Kadmos bei den illyrischen Encheleern [on Lake
Ochrida, G. B.] mit der Einwanderung von Phoinikern in die Kiistengebiete des Adriatischen
Meeres verbinden zu k6nnen. Er benutzt also die Version, dasz Kadmos
Phoiniker gewesen sei. Die Kombination erscheint mir wenig glaublich. Von einer
ausgedehnteren phoinikischen Herrschaft in den illyrischen Gebieten wissen wir nichts.
Sie haben sich auf den Handel beschrankt." Everything becomes perfectly clear if we
admit the inverse direction-from Illyria to Phoenicia.
These Illyrian axes are dated by Radu Vulpe about the year 1000 (p. 141).
13
30 She is the mother of Dodon, the eponym of the Epirot town of Dodona (which has
an Illyrian name, cf. Krahe, Die Welt als Gesch., III, 288). The name Europe as
a geographical term was originally limited to Epirus, "the land of Odysseus" (P.-W., RE,
s.u., Europe, col. 1287, 61 ff.).
31 Commenting on a new text of Ras-Shamra recently published by Ch. Virolleaud and
belonging to the first half of the fourteenth century, R. Dussaud writes in C.-R. de
l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1938, 537 f.: "Jusqu'ici notre texte s'accorde
assez avec ce que nous connaissons par ailleurs; mais ce qui est nouveau et tout A fait
inattendu, c'est la relation directe et etroite 6tablie entre le dieu cananeen El et les
territoires de Kaphtor et d'Egypte. Ces territoires sont places avec insistance sous la
domination du dieu El. Avant d'en chercher une explication, observons que l'affirmation
que Kaphtor, c'est-a-dire la CrBte, est le siege de la demeure de El 6voque imm6diatement
la 16gende d'Europe. Or, les textes de Ras Shamra nous ont appris que le taureauetait une des formes du dieu El. On trouve frequemment l'expression sr 'El 'le taureau
El' et meme sr 'El dp 'ed 'le taureau El compatissant.' - Puisque le dieu El passait
pour avoir install6 sa demeure en Crete, il est logique d'admettre qu'il y avait emmene
sa paredre. Cette paredre est la deesse Elat, autrement dit Ash6rat, supplantee a
basse epoque par Astarte. On comprend, des lors, que Lucien (d.d.s., 4), parlant du
grand temple d'Astarte a Sidon, signale qu'un pr6tre du lieu lui a confie qu'en realit6
le sanctuaire 6tait dedi6 a Europe. Le pr6tre phenicien, sous ce vocable, designait la
d6esse Elat et ce qui nous autorise a l'affirmer ce sont les indications de l'Etymologicum
Magnum d'apres lesquelles les Ph6niciens, qui frequentaient Corinthe, reconnaissaient
dans l'Hellotia locale leur d6esse Elat-Europe." The whole problem must be studied
more closely. On the role of the bull in the Minoan cult see P. Demargne, Crete-
Egypte-Asie ("Annales de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes," Vol. II [Gand, 1938]), p. 44,
n. 2 (with bibliog.). It is perhaps interesting to observe in this connection that an
adoration of the bull among the Illyrians seems proved by names like 'E7rlraupos,
Taurisci or Tavplarat, Taruisium (2), Taurisium, Taurasia: see my notes in Rev. et.
indo-eur., II (1939), 16 ff.; 113 ff. (add there Taurisium in Moesia Superior, Procopius
De aedif. iv. 1. 17).
32 The idea that the Homeric IoIvIKes were Aegeans (Myceneans or Minoans) has
been expressed by several scholars: cf. M. P. Nilsson, Homer and Mycenae (London,
1933), p. 131: "It is, however, a fairly common opinion that the Phoenicians of Homer
are in reality the Minoans" (with bibliog.). The same idea was also defended by C.
Autran in several works (Pheniciens [Paris, 1920] [e.g., p. 81]; Tarkondemos [Paris, 1922-
23]; Tyr egeenne [Paris, 1938]) but with a method quite different from mine. Cf. also
A. H. Krappe, Amer. Jour. of Semitic Lang. and Lit., LVII (1940), 243: "Sous le
nom de 4olvLKes les Grecs d6signaient les populations 'myc6niennes' de la Grace, des
iles, de l'Asie Mineure et de la Syrie longtemps avant la conquSte s6mitique de la
Palestine." But none of these authors ever expressed the opinion, as far as I know,
that the 4olvtKes were originally Illyrians, or even Indo-Europeans.
C. Autran considers
them as 'asianiques,' which is little more than a name; Krappe holds them to be
the 'Chananite,' 'Pre-Semitic,' and non-Indo-European inhabitants of Palestine.
G. De Sanctis in his recent Storia dei Greci (Florence, 1939), I, 74, expresses the
strange idea that "questi Fenici, 'i rossi' [?], non sono se non i demoni[?!], naturali
compagni del dio solare Cadmo[!?][....]" He does not explain how it happened that "questi
Fenici si identificarono con i popoli della sponda di Palestina che si chiamavano Cananei
o si davano i nomi delle rispettive citta[....]" But he quite correctly states that "i
Fenici [semitici] non comparvero in quel mare [ =Aegean] o almeno non vi ebbero alcuna
importanza fin dopo il totale tramonto della civilta di Micene" (cf. also on this subject
Nilsson, Homer and Mycenae, p. 132).
That there should be ancient colonies of Aegean eIotviKeS in Spain before the Trojan
war, as Krappe pretends (p. 243) on the basis of Strabo iii. 14. 1 (sic), is of course
possible: Taprl-~6o's (ending -7acros) could have been one.
331 may observe, incidentally, that '*Xlapos, as well as Me4Xtalapos, an old name
of 'Ava&x7 (see below), seems to have a suffix -aro-, which is found in Illyrian place-names
(Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 58); and that 'Apfb3as -avros, the name of a Phoenician man
of Sidon (Odyssey xv. 426) has the Illyrian suffix -ant-, cf. Atrans, Beusas, Dasant-,
Verzant-, Bbuds etc. and see particularly Krahe, Personenn., 146.
34 Beloch himself actually has a vague idea of the way the problem should be put, for
he concludes (Griech. Gesch.2, I, ii. 75): "Wahrend der ganzen minoisch-mykenischen
Periode findet sich nichts, aber auch nicht das geringste, was auf phoenikischen Handel
nach dem Aegaeischen Meere schlieszen liesze; [. .. .] es ist charakteristisch, wie derGlaube an eine phoenikische Kolonisation am Aegaeischen Meere unter dem Einflusz
der archaologischen Funde des letzten Jahrzehntes sich in sein Gegenteil verwandelt
hat." This was written in 1913. It is much more evident in 1940.
Odyssey xv. 427 ff. is a good illustration of Beloch's intuition: it is narrated there
that Taphian (T&Atot) pirates raided the shores of Phoenicia, kidnapped a girl, and sold
her later in the island Zvpi-qn, ear Ortygia. T&oos (now Meganisi) is an Illyrian island,
near KapYos, facing Acarnania, in an Illyrian sea. So Illyrian pirates (Xltaoropes)-or
tradesmen, for there was little difference at that time-maintained commercial relations
between Phoenicia and the Aegean Sea. The Illyrians, and particularly the powerful
tribe of the Liburni, were at all times excellent seamen and feared pirates (see P.-W.,
RE, Suppl. v, s.u. Illyrioi, 345, 10 ff.; s.u. Liburni, 592 f.); the Roman ship liburna or
liburnica has its name from them (see P.-W., RE, s.u.). The Slavs, in the Middle Ages,
inherited their art (Uscocchi).
35I n Sicily we find 4oLvtKovaaa, 'ovLxKjb, o&w&KO(wBse loch, 247).
36 All ancient authors are agreed that the ZLKeXOL came to Sicily from Italy before the
Greeks (see P.-W., RE, s.u. 2Ke\XLa, cols. 2483 f.; RLV, s.u. Sikuler, 157, ? 1). In that
time all southern Italy was occupied by Illyrian tribes (cf., e.g., Wilamowitz, Herakles2,
10; Krahe, Geogr. Namen, 103 ff. with bibliog.). According to M. Mayer (Molfetta
[1904], 131-34) and Ribezzo (RIGI, III [1919], 101-2) the Sicilian slaves and those
Sicilians (ZLKeXol) to whom troublesome people were sent (Odyssey) lived in Italy
opposite Ithaca. They were then a remnant of the ZcKeXol who migrated to Sicily and
gave the land the name 2LKeXla.
37 More material will be found in various papers published in Glotta (see, e.g.,
Kretschmer, Glotta, XIV [1925], 87 ff.). Illyrian elements in Sicily are also admitted,
e.g., by Sommer, Abh. Ak. Munich (N.S.), IX, 77, n. 2 (the criticism of Alfonsina Braun
is of no value),
38T he name of the Phoenician MEJSXlaposm, entioned by Herodotus iv. 147, the
son of IIoLKiXis, seems to have an Illyrian suffix: see Krahe, Personenn., 146. Me3Xiapos
was also another name of the little island 'Av&ronne ar Thera, cf, Steph. Byz. s.u.
According to Athenaeus (viii. 360d, e, f; 361a, b, c), the o1vlKcesw ho once occupied
Rhodes were led by a chief called a\kavOos. This same name occurs in the legends of
Tarentum (cf., e.g., Strabo vi. 278 if.), originally an Illyrian town. The name 4^&Xav0os
itself seems to be of Illyrian formation (-vO-).
39I do not examine 'AWrrKO'lA: rTTKib ecause Kretschmer himself correctly remarks
that it is (Glotta, XXIV, 230) "ein besonderer Fall, beide Namen substantivierte
Adjektiva, doch 'ATTrKOuim anderthalb Jahrhunderte friiher, bei Alkaios Fr. 49, 4
Diehl (um 600 v. Chr.), bezeugt als 'ArruT&XKw) 'p oder bloszes 'ATrLKib ei Herodot."
I also omit the *AvKa which Kretschmer draws out of the Homeric AvUK7--YefVs,
which he compares with Kp7ra'yev's and identifies with the Hittite Lukkd (Glotta,
XXIV, 227). Even if we admit that he and not Sommer (IF, LV, 226 ff., 261) is right
in this point, we always arrive at the fact that this *AVKe, 'Lycia,' is no Greek formation
(the idea that the Lycians were old, barbarized Greek colonists, expressed by Kretschmer,
Glotta, XXIV, 235 ff., and elsewhere, has not been accepted, as far as I know;
cf. Sommer, IF, LV, 226 if.). I shall examine in another paper the possibility that they
were 'Pelasgians' or 'Proto-Illyrians,' at least in the Homeric age (later they perhaps
changed their speech).
40 The Illyrian character of the name 4Xey7a. is confirmed, in my opinion, by the
name of the inhabitants, )Xetybavres (cf. Kretschmer, Glotta, XIV [1925], 313, n. 1),
formed with Illyrian -nt- like 'Talres ("Ta; cf. also 'TavTr'vo with Illyrian -Zno-),
'AI4bKXa7res( "AlzvKXa)I, Ip&vres( IIpas Steph. Byz.), 'Api'a&s -avros ('AplcBroW, ackernagel,
Glotta, XIV, 44), Kopbt3avreos r Kbpf3avres( Kbpo7, see P.-W., RE, s.u.), "AfavrTes
("A3atc, cf. Jacobsohn, KZ, LVII [1929-30], 115 f.). Several of these peoples are expressly
said to be Pre-Greek and fBap#3apboLy ancient authors, and there is little doubt,
I think, that the Kopj6,avres belong to the Pre-Hellenic (Pre-Olympian) religion of
Kp6vos the Titan; they are said to be the first men on earth (P.-W., RE, s.u., 1441).
About the Ilp&vres see Schulze, Eigenn., 541, n. 4; they live in Perrhaebia, an Illyrian
region. For the Illyrian character of the suffix -nt- see Kretschmer, Glotta, XIV (1925),
84 ff.
41 The examples which Kretschmer (Glotta, XXIV, 226 ff.) cites of town or island
names drawn from common nouns are really not more convincing: Alyal is another
Illyrian name, cf. ALtyailn Macedonia (now Vodena), very far from the coast (the same
was also an old name of Kapvuo-rows, ith Illyr. -st-); the islands 'ExZvat (epic name),
which he connects with ex?vos, are situated in an Illyrian sea, '16,v&sK OXTr(oth eir
name was later Hellenized by Herodotus ii. 10 into 'Ex&tP8es: a proof, in my opinion,
that the name was not Greek!); on 'AXal see Sommer, IF, LV, 258; the connection of
KbAyi n Euboea with Gr. KVJtais at least doubtful. An island of the group of the 'Ex?pa&
or 'Exva4besw as called 'AprTEzraa; lso an Illyrian formation in an Illyrian sea (see also
Sommer, IF, LV [1937], 263). On the name 'I6vos (x6XkroSs)e, e Krahe, Personenn., 58;
13 f.
The regular Greek formation for names of lands is -Is, -t8os: I,wils, Awpls, AoKpls,
Ao\Xis,e tc. Later-in post-Homeric times- -i&a lso became frequent: Meaorr'via'I, aoKv'L,
etc. The formation of 4ottKfw is completely different from both.
42 I hope to present in another paper the evidence for the presence of Proto-Illyrians
in Crete in prehistoric times.
43 Sommer (Abh. Munich [N.S.], IX, 77, n. 1) adds '"E4pot: 'E4bp7; 'Eve'oi:
'EveTr; I add 'EXXol: 'EXXa (other name of Dodona, the town of the 'EXXoi); Kaaacrowo:
Kacro&rq(7c f. Jacobsohn, KZ, LVII [1929-30], 93 n.). All of them are doubtless Illyrian
(for 'EqbbFps ee Jokl, RLV, VI, 361; Schwyzer, Greich. Gr., 66). Cf. also Kbproves:
Kvpr&r,i in Boeotia (Fick, BB, XXIII [1897], 37) and see Fick, ibid., 233 f. The
accent of "EXXa,K aaoa6n7is quite regular, as the names have passed through Greek
transmission; cf. my article in Studi ital. di filol. classica, VIII (1930), 265-95.
44K rahe (Glotta,X VII [1928-29], 101) cites AtL&,abm ong Illyrian names in -C6, without
any further comment. I would remark in any case that the adjective AtlvvaTrTvos
(first in Herod. iv. 192. 13He) is a perfect Illyrian formation (-st-, -ino-: cf. Tergestinus
Onastinus Atestinus Aa1carTr'oL ALyvarZivoett c.). The idea of Wackernagel (Glotta,
XIV [1925], 47 f.) that AtLwvrTZrsohso uld be formed on the analogy of AL'yvcrTlos
Ligustinus seems unacceptable to me, for, as Wackernagel himself correctly points out,
Libya was known to the Greeks long before the Alyves! See also Wilamowitz, Hellenistische
Dichtung, II, 163. We find also ALtvarls, AfIv-rtas, Ai3UvaTLKA6fsi,b Ov-To
(see Wackernagel), all with -st-. The name of the Libyans first appears in Egyptian
records of the invasion of the "peoples of the sea" during the reign of the Pharaoh Merneptah
(about 1300 B.C.), under the form Rbw; cf. P.-W., RE, s.u. Libye, col. 151. Should
we consider the fact that the AiL3veasr e wavOo(is ee P.-W., RE, s.u. 150)? According
to Reche (RLV, VII, 2911) the Libyans belonged to the race Homo Europaeus, as the
"peoples of the sea" (RLV, I, 69 f.) and particularly the Philistines (RLV, X, 133). The
Homo Europaeus constituted the chief stock of the Indo-Europeans according to Reche
(RLV, VI, 671, s.u. Indo-germanen, B, Anthropologie), Gunther, Sieglin, and many other
scholars (their opinions now can be found represented in Germanen und Indogermanen,
Hirt-Festschrift Heidelberg [1936], Vol. I, where, however, political and national prejudices
surely are not absent).
Can we perhaps compare the Illyrian Liburni and the Illyro-Ligurian Libicii, ALtflKO
or Libui in northern Italy (see P.-W., RE, s.uu. Libici and Lebecii and Encicl. ital., s.u.)?
45T wo kings of the Minyans, 'AOh&aaEnsd 'EpyTvos,h ave Illyrian names. For the
suffix -lno- in Illyrian personal names see Krahe, Personenn., 145; Schulze, Eigenn., 36
(e.g., Acisinus, Andinus, Barcinus, Boninus, Brizinus, etc.).
46 In the redaction of this paper I am obliged for some very useful bibliographical
information to my friends Dr. C. H. Gordon, formerly of the Institute for Advanced
Studies in Princeton, Professor Doro Levi, and Mr. Donald Swanson. It is a pleasure
for me to thank them here very heartily.