Post by Fender on Mar 13, 2009 7:06:34 GMT -5
Wednesday March 11th 2009
A year after proclaiming its independence, Kosovo has yet to assert its authority, finds Piotr Smolar in Le Monde
Wednesday March 11th 2009
Kosovo celebrated the first anniversary of its independence last month, but the festive spirit was tempered. Only 54 members of the UN have recognised it as a sovereign state and five countries in the European Union itself – Spain, Cyprus, Greece, Romania and Slovakia – still do not treat it as such.
"The proclamation of independence does not solve all our problems but it does open prospects," said the prime minister Hashim Thaçi. "We are making steady progress towards Kosovo one day becoming a member of the EU and Nato. We are building a democratic, multi-ethnic society that affirms rights for the Serbs."
True enough, the past year has not seen the expected outbursts of ethnic violence between Kosovans and Serbs. An armed force and intelligence service have been set up, but despite such trappings of sovereignty Kosovo is still a small entity with a population of 2 million reliant on international aid and clinging to its hopes of a future in Europe. It is hard to say who is really running the place.
In 2008, following the proclamation of independence, the UN mission was reconfigured but not wound down, Russia having vetoed the relevant resolution. Europe has stepped into the breach and the organisation responsible for law and order is now Eulex, which was launched in December. "I am at the head of a technical, not a political mission," says Yves de Kermabon, the French general who previously commanded the Nato force in Kosovo (Kfor). However, he acknowledges that the reality is different on the ground: "The Europeans have had to admit that their mission is more political than planned."
In addition to Eulex the EU has a special representative in Pristina, Pieter Feith, a former Dutch diplomat who is also the international civil representative, in charge of supervising the application of the negotiated settlement. The local press often accuses him of obstructing government action. In consultation with the president, Fatmir Sejdiu, he decided in January that the general election would be postponed until 2011. "I am not an administrator, as is the case in Bosnia," he says. "But I am not here just to applaud either." Feith reckons the responsibilities of international bodies are "complex but not a source of confusion".
The Kosovan authorities face two challenges. First they must kick-start the economy despite the lack of foreign investment and an electricity supply that remains haphazard after 10 years under international administration and $1.5bn invested in the utility. Second, the government must establish its authority over the Serb enclaves.
A devolution plan provides for six largely self-governing municipalities in the southern enclaves and at Mitrovica, the scene of the worst ethnic unrest in Kosovo.
But the segregation between Kosovans and the Serb community’s most radical elements is not the only problem. Crime, particularly contraband petrol, is booming. Last year the customs posts to the north of the town were burned down, opening the way for unrestricted trafficking. "The situation has deteriorated in this sector since independence," De Kermabon says. "We must reinstate customs controls to prevent it becoming one huge duty-free zone. Since 9 December we have replaced the customs officials and we’re now looking for a technical solution to re-establish controls, but it depends on cooperation with the Serbs."
For the last few weeks customs officers have been making a note of goods going back and forth, but no duty is levied. There are still a lot of vehicles without licence plates. "We are losing about $2m to $2.5m a week, according to our estimates," says Blerim Shala, deputy-leader of the opposition Alliance for the Future of Kosovo. "Our government reckons it’s the responsibility of the international organisations. As a result the place is a paradise for criminals, who have links with the Serb extremists."
Sources suggest that Albanian and Serb gangs have reached agreement on petrol, which is bought tax-free in Serbia, smuggled into Kosovo and sold for 95 cents a litre, an unbeatable price in Europe.
The international bodies seem powerless, embroiled in their numerous, often contradictory commitments. Eulex must remain neutral regarding the status of Kosovo, say the Serbs, so its police and customs officers cannot defend the former province’s territorial integrity.
The "parallel" Serb authorities in north Mitrovica take a radical line that rules out any form of dialogue. "There are not many of them but they have plenty of financial and political clout," says the Albanian mayor of south Mitrovica, Bajram Rexhepi. "They have an interest in disorder and are an obstacle to better relations between the communities."
Feith would like to see Belgrade breaking off its links with the troublemakers: "Some of the leaders in contact with Serbia intimidate the population. It’s an invitation to violence. We must make sure this part of the territory does not turn into a black hole." But Belgrade seems reluctant to comply. "The election in Serbia of a government more favourable to Europe makes no difference to Kosovo," says Oliver Ivanovic, secretary of state at the ministry for Kosovo. "I find it surprising that westerners do not understand that... as far as we are concerned Kosovo is not settled."