Post by Teuta1975 on Dec 4, 2007 2:31:45 GMT -5
Some affinities of Albanian and proto-Romanian:
E. Çabej (VII Congresso intemacionale di scienze onomastiche, 4-8 Aprile 1961, 248-249) has argued for the actual presence, of certain preserved old terms: d t 'sea' (related to 'deep') could refer to any deep water; vâ 'ford, anchorage', mat 'beach' valë 'wave' could be applied to various bodies of water. A word like grykë 'narrows' is an easy metaphor ('throat'); aní ( : an(ë) 'vessel') and some names of parts of boats (ballë 'forehead', pëlhurë 'sail', shul 'mast', lugatë 'rudder', belonging with lugë 'spoon') are also easily understood as metaphors; likurishtë 'polyp' (cf. likurë 'skin') and many other names, often fairly transparent compounds (p. 249), are descriptive and could presumably have arisen in their attested uses at almost any time. The word ngjalë 'eel' < *engella, even if related correctly to Illyrian 'EggelaneV.
The question of the names Elbasan, Arbëni, Albanopolis, Shqipëtar, Shqipëri is discussed at length, but somewhat inaccessibly, in Dh. S. Shuteriqi, Buletin për shkencat shoqërore 1956:3.189-224 (abbr. BShkSh) and Buletin i Universiteiit Shtetëror të Tiranës 1958:3.45-70 (abbr. BUShT) .
The fact that Scodra 'Scutari' (Shkodër) shows un Albanian development ( and that there are few ancient Greek loans (Jokl, Albaner §5; and that there are arguments in favor of old Dardania: Ni < Naíssos, with development as in pyll 'forest' < *pëýll < *pad le(m) : pal dem (Jokl, Albaner §5).
Reichenkron (Romanistisches Jahrbuch 1960:11.19-22) rehearses succinctly a number of hypotheses, which I summarize here:
a) Not all Albanian-Rumanian correspondences are loans from Albanian into Rumanian; they may be from Illyrian and Daco-Thracian as sources.
"Autochthonous" elements of Rumanian show only in part Illyrian-Thracian-Albanian regularities; in part proto-Romance developments appear.
c) Most Albanian-Rumanian correspondences come from borrowings by Vulgar Latin (as precursor of Rumanian) in Dardania from an Illyrian substrate. Then, we suppose, pre-Rumanian moved north of the Danube and merged with a Daco-Romance dialect, which contained Thracian elements showing correspondences with Armenian (allegedly a sound shift, and certain affixes dealt with in Rom. Jb. 9;
Some "borrowings" of proto-romanian, Greeks, Germans and Slavs:
Daco-Thracian yields Rumanian < IE *q before eu; < IE *s + front V, and IE *k; -f- < IE *p ( > p').
e) Of the residue of unexplained words, loans from Slavic and Magyar account for many.
Some ancient Greek loans are to be reckoned with, even though one would not expect Rumanian to borrow wholesale in areas where other Romance did not.
There are also some Germanic loans. Therefore, we must reckon with five IE components: Germanic, Latin, Greek, Dacian, Slavic.
h) We must be prepared for the situation where two unrelated etyma fall phonologically together but continue two meanings, such as OFr. mont 'world, mountain' < mundum, montem; this possibility has too often been overlooked.
On the basis of this Daco-Thracian theory, Reichenkron tries to explain various difficult Rumanian words involving z, some of which may be related to some Albanian words.(!)
Reichenkron further continues (pp. 52-53), giving an alternative to the conventional (i.e., Jokl's) accounting for pârîu 'brook', is, independently of the above question, susceptible of a different solution. Jokl had pârîu < pre-Albanian *per-r n- (Rotacism in Albanian - tosk) (> Albanian përrua, përroni; cf. Latin fr num > Rumanian frîu);
However, Çabej has recently argued (VII Congresso intemazianale di scienze onomastiche 250-251) that these Greek loans do not necessarily remove the pre-Albanians far from Greek territory; that is, that they fit well with a location in present-day Albania, in contact either with Doric Greek colonists or with the Northwest Dorians. His points on the Doric character of the loans certainly look persuasive: drapën, Tosk drapër 'sickle' < *drapanon rather than drepanon; kumbull 'plum' < kokkumhlon, brukë 'Tamariske' < murikh, trumzë 'thyme' < qumbra ~ qrumbh.
Certain words, such as man 'mulberry, blackberry' are shared with Thracian (manteia). But this could merely show that there were contacts; besides, Thrace-Phrygian BrigeV are known to have lived near Durrës. Moreover, Çabej thinks that even these words can be shown to be Illyrian. Cimochowski goes on to point out (p. 48) that karpë and mën are shared in the Italian pre-Romance area; hence this alleged Thracian correspondence is vitiated.
d) Certain Thracian names are supposedly explained with the help of Albanian. Of these, only Dacia Maluensis ( : mal) is well explained in this way; Decebalus ( : ballë) and Burebista (burre + bisht) are surely WRONG.
Çabej points out that villages in the Balkans are generally of recent date and changeable settlement. Hence for the study of toponyms city names and rivers are best. If we inspect such names attested by ancient sources, we find that many follow Albanian phonological development: Scardus > Shar, with no metathesis, as in Scardona > Skradin. Scodra > Shkodër; Çabej remarks that sk- > h- belonged to the pre-Balkan period, and compares (VII Congresso internazionale 244), for phonology, shkamb < scamnum and kulshedër < chersydrus. (Rogame is a recent suffixation in -ame of rëge, and therefore no problem because of the medial -g-.) Barbanna > Buenë is regular, as shown by Jokl (IF 1932: 50.33 ff.), Slavia (1934-1935:13.286 ff.), Glotta (1936:25.121 B.). Lissus > Lesh (cf.) missa > meshë, etc.); Çabej points out (VII Congresso intemazionale 245) that Latin + CC is regular, a statement I can neither affirm nor control at the moment. Dyrrachium > Durrës, Isamnus > Ishm, Drivastum > Drisht show, as Krahe claims, the Illyrian initial accent. Shkum(b)î < Scampinus is regular in the Central Albanian dialect, where pretonic ë > u and mb > m are expectable (VII Congresso internazionale 246). Aulwn > Vlorë may perhaps involve a Slavic intermediary. Thyamis > Çamëria, as Leake saw in 1814, is accepted by Çabej; however, one might expect s < t (cf. pus 'well' < Lat. puteus). Arachthos > Arta is supposedly better explained by Albanian than by Greek; but, apart from the surprising syncope, kt should yield ft or jt, and not t, from that time level. Ragusium (Ragusa) is Rush in Bogdan (1685).
Thus, says Çabej, the seacoast has remained Albanian since antiquity.
INFLUENCES:
It has long been recognized that there are two treatments of Latin loans in Albanian. Bari sets forth (LS 27-28, and Godi njak, Balkanolo ki Institut, Sarajevo 1.1-16 [1957], esp. 7-11) a very convincing looking solution for this duality. Latin ct, cs gives Albanian ft, f (luftë 'war', kofshë 'thigh'), which matches Rumanian lupt , coaps ; these would easily represent sound substitutions after IE *kt had become *t. (One problem I see in this is ftua 'quince' < cotón um, which would have to have become *ct- almost immediately to avoid falling in with këta 'this [n.], these [m.]'.) This group also includes Albanian traft r < tract-. On the other hand, we have in derjt 'straight' < d(i)rectus and trajtonj a different outcome, which matches Old Dalmatian traita < tract-. Similarly, there are both Albanian a and e as reflexes of Latin a, which match Rumanian and Dalmatian developments. These, then, would look back to two chronological and geographical layers, one an "inner Balkan" and the other a "coastal Adriatic." Bari (Godi njak 13) considers that since Rumanian has loans from Albanian, but Albanian has practically none in the opposite direction, these Rumanian shapes must all be "Restwörter," not "Lehnwörter"; but, as Reichenkron (above) takes into account, the loan situation may easily be more complex than this.
Example:
An improvement of Bari 's presentation of the name of the Bojana river (LS 29) might be to posit from Livy's Barbanna a form *bar anna (note that Berat lost its Slavic -g-) = /bar anna/ > *borjan(n)a (by Slavic adoption) > *bojana (in EARLIER Albanian; cf. ujë 'water' < *udrj ).
CENTUM or SATEM???!!!
Russu (Cercet ri de lingvistic 1958:3.89-107) finds Illyrian to be a sat m language, and Thracian likewise; but since they have a clearly different toponymic and onomastic lexicon, they are not one and the same language. Illyrian would have been Romanized at an early date, and Albanian, since it survived as an independent, would more likely be from Thracian. But, Russu declares, the problem of Albanian is still not solved.
Rosetti (Istoria II3 51-63) reviews the question generally. The two areas of Illyrian and Thracian were divided by the Morava-Vardar river line. While asserting what I take to be his considered conclusion that Albanian is a Thracian dialect, Rosetti mentions Georgiev (p. 53) and Bari (p. 54), citing V. V. Ivanov and Hamp to the effect that Albanian is neither sat m nor centum typologically (see more on this below in relation to Illyrian), and mentioning Russu and Cimochowski as defending a sat m character for Illyrian (see below also), while C. de Simone (IF 1960:65.33) doubts the latter. A good list, of the proposed lexical equations with Illyrian and Thracian, follows (pp. 56-62). A proper consideration of this list would easily generate a good-sized essay, for there are problems on all sides, and Rosetti is essentially reporting the state of scholarship as he sees it/
Thracian and not Illyrian..!!!!
De ev thinks that Albanian is from Thracian, not from Illyrian. R. Gusmani (Paideia 1957:12.164-165) remarks: "Ora qui il D. non ha tenuto calcolo del fatto che ogni lingua è la confluenza di diverse e molteplici tradizioni linguistiche, non di un filone unico, com’egli implicitamente pensa." (Italian-Original)
(Translation)
Thus, Albanian would possibly be from an ancient Balkan kóine linguistica, but this evades the central quesiton of how the "mixture" came about.
ALBANIAN AND ILLYRIAN WORDS
Jokl's Illyrian-Albanian correspondences (Albaner §3a) are probably the best known. Certain of these require comment: Strabo (7.314) eloV Lougeon : lëgatë 'swamp'. This could be *lug-, but there is also *lag- 'wet', which might of course also represent *loug-.
Ludrum : Tosk lum 'muck', Geg lym, Tosk ler, but there are also Latin and Greek cognates.
Aquae Balizae : baltë 'mud'. But Krahe (IF 1962:67.151-158) thinks Balissae is from Bal-is(i)a : *Bal-sa in Balsenz < *Bal-s-antia (: *Ap-s-antia > Absentia) : Lith. balà 'swamp' : OCS blato, Alb. baltë. Therefore, for Krahe Balissae/Balizae is "Alteuropaisch" (see below).
Place names in -V-ste/a/o : kopshtë 'orchard', vresht 'vineyard' : (Illyrier §4) Lith. -ysta 'membership'.
Cimochowski adduces Gentius, Genusus, Epicadus, Magaplinus (the last supposedly belonging with Skt. mahant-, Alb. i madh 'big'), Bersumno beside Berginium and Bargulum, Barzidihi beside Bargilius and Bargulis. (Bardhe - white in Alb)
Vescleves, Can-davia (for which * - is gratuitously reconstructed, but which points only to * - at most), Acra-banis, Bargulis/Bargilius, Skerdis, ''AggroV. This environment matches exactly that posited by me for the merger of palatals and velars in Albanian (KZ 1960:76.275-280),
Cimochowski also claims that Albanian shares with Messapic au > a and with Illyrian IE * > (then * > Albanian o); the last would be seen in Spalatum : Spolhtion in Italy. But O. Haas (Messapische Studien 173-174 [Heidelberg, 1962]) states that au > a occurs in Vulgar Latin adaptations (Ascoli : Ausculum; Basta : Bausta), and not in Messapic itself, which had au > ao > o.
(§3.14) Çabej also adduces ndë 'in', but not the others. (§3.16) Pertinent to the comparative aspect of the discussion of atavetes and sivjet now is Mycenaean za-we-te (opposed to pe-ru-si-nwa PY Ma 225) = kjawetes 'this year' according to Palmer and Killen (Nestor 240 [March, 1963]), and 85-u-te, which would not be *sjawetes, as Palmer wants, according to Killen (Nestor 258). In Mycenaean *kj and *tj would perhaps give the same result in this instance. (§3.19) Krahe (IF 1959:64.248) sees here the Messapic suffix -id o, also seen in alzanaidihi (gen.). This could then be compared to the Albanian plural and diminutive -z-. (§3.24) Çabej, too, adduces this equation. (§4.3) Çabej wonders whether veinan is not to be equated with Lith. víenas. Note that Haas (Mess. Stud. 37 and 221) continues the unacceptable reconstruction of Albanian vetë as *s e-ti- by suggesting a comparison with Messapic vetai 'ihr selbst'.
In passing, it is worth observing that Haas (p. 95) makes an identification and Messapic reconstruction that is suggestive of a new line of thought. He translates aran as 'illam' (contrast A&M §3.1) and compares Umbrian oro-; this may or may not be so. Here (and again on p. 177) he translates ennan also as 'illam', reconstructing *en m and comparing Greek enh 'jenen Tag', OCS on , Latin enim. If so, this same reconstructed shape would also accommodate Albanian një 'one', and the sense is not too far off.
And now.....some Illyrian-Basque theories: !!! (This is unbelieveable)
E. Risch, has f lia primary to the secondary f lius and *putlo- remodeled to puer after gener, socer; here might be a parallel to bolster *bi - > bir. (§3.5) If the suggestion of delme 'sheep' to the name of Dalmatia is sound, then my suggestion falls away. (§3.10) If Alb. mëz really joins Basque mando 'mule', as Bari (Hymje 57) has it, then these go with the -st- suffix above. Bari also includes here (h)ardhí 'grapevine' : Basque ardao 'wine' and bisht 'tail' : Basque buztan. (§3.13) I hope to refine the account of mjegullë on another occasion.
etc...etc...etc...Draw your own conclusions as per LINGUISTIC ASPECTS/
------------------------------------------------------
E. Çabej (VII Congresso intemacionale di scienze onomastiche, 4-8 Aprile 1961, 248-249) has argued for the actual presence, of certain preserved old terms: d t 'sea' (related to 'deep') could refer to any deep water; vâ 'ford, anchorage', mat 'beach' valë 'wave' could be applied to various bodies of water. A word like grykë 'narrows' is an easy metaphor ('throat'); aní ( : an(ë) 'vessel') and some names of parts of boats (ballë 'forehead', pëlhurë 'sail', shul 'mast', lugatë 'rudder', belonging with lugë 'spoon') are also easily understood as metaphors; likurishtë 'polyp' (cf. likurë 'skin') and many other names, often fairly transparent compounds (p. 249), are descriptive and could presumably have arisen in their attested uses at almost any time. The word ngjalë 'eel' < *engella, even if related correctly to Illyrian 'EggelaneV.
The question of the names Elbasan, Arbëni, Albanopolis, Shqipëtar, Shqipëri is discussed at length, but somewhat inaccessibly, in Dh. S. Shuteriqi, Buletin për shkencat shoqërore 1956:3.189-224 (abbr. BShkSh) and Buletin i Universiteiit Shtetëror të Tiranës 1958:3.45-70 (abbr. BUShT) .
The fact that Scodra 'Scutari' (Shkodër) shows un Albanian development ( and that there are few ancient Greek loans (Jokl, Albaner §5; and that there are arguments in favor of old Dardania: Ni < Naíssos, with development as in pyll 'forest' < *pëýll < *pad le(m) : pal dem (Jokl, Albaner §5).
Reichenkron (Romanistisches Jahrbuch 1960:11.19-22) rehearses succinctly a number of hypotheses, which I summarize here:
a) Not all Albanian-Rumanian correspondences are loans from Albanian into Rumanian; they may be from Illyrian and Daco-Thracian as sources.
"Autochthonous" elements of Rumanian show only in part Illyrian-Thracian-Albanian regularities; in part proto-Romance developments appear.
c) Most Albanian-Rumanian correspondences come from borrowings by Vulgar Latin (as precursor of Rumanian) in Dardania from an Illyrian substrate. Then, we suppose, pre-Rumanian moved north of the Danube and merged with a Daco-Romance dialect, which contained Thracian elements showing correspondences with Armenian (allegedly a sound shift, and certain affixes dealt with in Rom. Jb. 9;
Some "borrowings" of proto-romanian, Greeks, Germans and Slavs:
Daco-Thracian yields Rumanian < IE *q before eu; < IE *s + front V, and IE *k; -f- < IE *p ( > p').
e) Of the residue of unexplained words, loans from Slavic and Magyar account for many.
Some ancient Greek loans are to be reckoned with, even though one would not expect Rumanian to borrow wholesale in areas where other Romance did not.
There are also some Germanic loans. Therefore, we must reckon with five IE components: Germanic, Latin, Greek, Dacian, Slavic.
h) We must be prepared for the situation where two unrelated etyma fall phonologically together but continue two meanings, such as OFr. mont 'world, mountain' < mundum, montem; this possibility has too often been overlooked.
On the basis of this Daco-Thracian theory, Reichenkron tries to explain various difficult Rumanian words involving z, some of which may be related to some Albanian words.(!)
Reichenkron further continues (pp. 52-53), giving an alternative to the conventional (i.e., Jokl's) accounting for pârîu 'brook', is, independently of the above question, susceptible of a different solution. Jokl had pârîu < pre-Albanian *per-r n- (Rotacism in Albanian - tosk) (> Albanian përrua, përroni; cf. Latin fr num > Rumanian frîu);
However, Çabej has recently argued (VII Congresso intemazianale di scienze onomastiche 250-251) that these Greek loans do not necessarily remove the pre-Albanians far from Greek territory; that is, that they fit well with a location in present-day Albania, in contact either with Doric Greek colonists or with the Northwest Dorians. His points on the Doric character of the loans certainly look persuasive: drapën, Tosk drapër 'sickle' < *drapanon rather than drepanon; kumbull 'plum' < kokkumhlon, brukë 'Tamariske' < murikh, trumzë 'thyme' < qumbra ~ qrumbh.
Certain words, such as man 'mulberry, blackberry' are shared with Thracian (manteia). But this could merely show that there were contacts; besides, Thrace-Phrygian BrigeV are known to have lived near Durrës. Moreover, Çabej thinks that even these words can be shown to be Illyrian. Cimochowski goes on to point out (p. 48) that karpë and mën are shared in the Italian pre-Romance area; hence this alleged Thracian correspondence is vitiated.
d) Certain Thracian names are supposedly explained with the help of Albanian. Of these, only Dacia Maluensis ( : mal) is well explained in this way; Decebalus ( : ballë) and Burebista (burre + bisht) are surely WRONG.
Çabej points out that villages in the Balkans are generally of recent date and changeable settlement. Hence for the study of toponyms city names and rivers are best. If we inspect such names attested by ancient sources, we find that many follow Albanian phonological development: Scardus > Shar, with no metathesis, as in Scardona > Skradin. Scodra > Shkodër; Çabej remarks that sk- > h- belonged to the pre-Balkan period, and compares (VII Congresso internazionale 244), for phonology, shkamb < scamnum and kulshedër < chersydrus. (Rogame is a recent suffixation in -ame of rëge, and therefore no problem because of the medial -g-.) Barbanna > Buenë is regular, as shown by Jokl (IF 1932: 50.33 ff.), Slavia (1934-1935:13.286 ff.), Glotta (1936:25.121 B.). Lissus > Lesh (cf.) missa > meshë, etc.); Çabej points out (VII Congresso intemazionale 245) that Latin + CC is regular, a statement I can neither affirm nor control at the moment. Dyrrachium > Durrës, Isamnus > Ishm, Drivastum > Drisht show, as Krahe claims, the Illyrian initial accent. Shkum(b)î < Scampinus is regular in the Central Albanian dialect, where pretonic ë > u and mb > m are expectable (VII Congresso internazionale 246). Aulwn > Vlorë may perhaps involve a Slavic intermediary. Thyamis > Çamëria, as Leake saw in 1814, is accepted by Çabej; however, one might expect s < t (cf. pus 'well' < Lat. puteus). Arachthos > Arta is supposedly better explained by Albanian than by Greek; but, apart from the surprising syncope, kt should yield ft or jt, and not t, from that time level. Ragusium (Ragusa) is Rush in Bogdan (1685).
Thus, says Çabej, the seacoast has remained Albanian since antiquity.
INFLUENCES:
It has long been recognized that there are two treatments of Latin loans in Albanian. Bari sets forth (LS 27-28, and Godi njak, Balkanolo ki Institut, Sarajevo 1.1-16 [1957], esp. 7-11) a very convincing looking solution for this duality. Latin ct, cs gives Albanian ft, f (luftë 'war', kofshë 'thigh'), which matches Rumanian lupt , coaps ; these would easily represent sound substitutions after IE *kt had become *t. (One problem I see in this is ftua 'quince' < cotón um, which would have to have become *ct- almost immediately to avoid falling in with këta 'this [n.], these [m.]'.) This group also includes Albanian traft r < tract-. On the other hand, we have in derjt 'straight' < d(i)rectus and trajtonj a different outcome, which matches Old Dalmatian traita < tract-. Similarly, there are both Albanian a and e as reflexes of Latin a, which match Rumanian and Dalmatian developments. These, then, would look back to two chronological and geographical layers, one an "inner Balkan" and the other a "coastal Adriatic." Bari (Godi njak 13) considers that since Rumanian has loans from Albanian, but Albanian has practically none in the opposite direction, these Rumanian shapes must all be "Restwörter," not "Lehnwörter"; but, as Reichenkron (above) takes into account, the loan situation may easily be more complex than this.
Example:
An improvement of Bari 's presentation of the name of the Bojana river (LS 29) might be to posit from Livy's Barbanna a form *bar anna (note that Berat lost its Slavic -g-) = /bar anna/ > *borjan(n)a (by Slavic adoption) > *bojana (in EARLIER Albanian; cf. ujë 'water' < *udrj ).
CENTUM or SATEM???!!!
Russu (Cercet ri de lingvistic 1958:3.89-107) finds Illyrian to be a sat m language, and Thracian likewise; but since they have a clearly different toponymic and onomastic lexicon, they are not one and the same language. Illyrian would have been Romanized at an early date, and Albanian, since it survived as an independent, would more likely be from Thracian. But, Russu declares, the problem of Albanian is still not solved.
Rosetti (Istoria II3 51-63) reviews the question generally. The two areas of Illyrian and Thracian were divided by the Morava-Vardar river line. While asserting what I take to be his considered conclusion that Albanian is a Thracian dialect, Rosetti mentions Georgiev (p. 53) and Bari (p. 54), citing V. V. Ivanov and Hamp to the effect that Albanian is neither sat m nor centum typologically (see more on this below in relation to Illyrian), and mentioning Russu and Cimochowski as defending a sat m character for Illyrian (see below also), while C. de Simone (IF 1960:65.33) doubts the latter. A good list, of the proposed lexical equations with Illyrian and Thracian, follows (pp. 56-62). A proper consideration of this list would easily generate a good-sized essay, for there are problems on all sides, and Rosetti is essentially reporting the state of scholarship as he sees it/
Thracian and not Illyrian..!!!!
De ev thinks that Albanian is from Thracian, not from Illyrian. R. Gusmani (Paideia 1957:12.164-165) remarks: "Ora qui il D. non ha tenuto calcolo del fatto che ogni lingua è la confluenza di diverse e molteplici tradizioni linguistiche, non di un filone unico, com’egli implicitamente pensa." (Italian-Original)
(Translation)
Thus, Albanian would possibly be from an ancient Balkan kóine linguistica, but this evades the central quesiton of how the "mixture" came about.
ALBANIAN AND ILLYRIAN WORDS
Jokl's Illyrian-Albanian correspondences (Albaner §3a) are probably the best known. Certain of these require comment: Strabo (7.314) eloV Lougeon : lëgatë 'swamp'. This could be *lug-, but there is also *lag- 'wet', which might of course also represent *loug-.
Ludrum : Tosk lum 'muck', Geg lym, Tosk ler, but there are also Latin and Greek cognates.
Aquae Balizae : baltë 'mud'. But Krahe (IF 1962:67.151-158) thinks Balissae is from Bal-is(i)a : *Bal-sa in Balsenz < *Bal-s-antia (: *Ap-s-antia > Absentia) : Lith. balà 'swamp' : OCS blato, Alb. baltë. Therefore, for Krahe Balissae/Balizae is "Alteuropaisch" (see below).
Place names in -V-ste/a/o : kopshtë 'orchard', vresht 'vineyard' : (Illyrier §4) Lith. -ysta 'membership'.
Cimochowski adduces Gentius, Genusus, Epicadus, Magaplinus (the last supposedly belonging with Skt. mahant-, Alb. i madh 'big'), Bersumno beside Berginium and Bargulum, Barzidihi beside Bargilius and Bargulis. (Bardhe - white in Alb)
Vescleves, Can-davia (for which * - is gratuitously reconstructed, but which points only to * - at most), Acra-banis, Bargulis/Bargilius, Skerdis, ''AggroV. This environment matches exactly that posited by me for the merger of palatals and velars in Albanian (KZ 1960:76.275-280),
Cimochowski also claims that Albanian shares with Messapic au > a and with Illyrian IE * > (then * > Albanian o); the last would be seen in Spalatum : Spolhtion in Italy. But O. Haas (Messapische Studien 173-174 [Heidelberg, 1962]) states that au > a occurs in Vulgar Latin adaptations (Ascoli : Ausculum; Basta : Bausta), and not in Messapic itself, which had au > ao > o.
(§3.14) Çabej also adduces ndë 'in', but not the others. (§3.16) Pertinent to the comparative aspect of the discussion of atavetes and sivjet now is Mycenaean za-we-te (opposed to pe-ru-si-nwa PY Ma 225) = kjawetes 'this year' according to Palmer and Killen (Nestor 240 [March, 1963]), and 85-u-te, which would not be *sjawetes, as Palmer wants, according to Killen (Nestor 258). In Mycenaean *kj and *tj would perhaps give the same result in this instance. (§3.19) Krahe (IF 1959:64.248) sees here the Messapic suffix -id o, also seen in alzanaidihi (gen.). This could then be compared to the Albanian plural and diminutive -z-. (§3.24) Çabej, too, adduces this equation. (§4.3) Çabej wonders whether veinan is not to be equated with Lith. víenas. Note that Haas (Mess. Stud. 37 and 221) continues the unacceptable reconstruction of Albanian vetë as *s e-ti- by suggesting a comparison with Messapic vetai 'ihr selbst'.
In passing, it is worth observing that Haas (p. 95) makes an identification and Messapic reconstruction that is suggestive of a new line of thought. He translates aran as 'illam' (contrast A&M §3.1) and compares Umbrian oro-; this may or may not be so. Here (and again on p. 177) he translates ennan also as 'illam', reconstructing *en m and comparing Greek enh 'jenen Tag', OCS on , Latin enim. If so, this same reconstructed shape would also accommodate Albanian një 'one', and the sense is not too far off.
And now.....some Illyrian-Basque theories: !!! (This is unbelieveable)
E. Risch, has f lia primary to the secondary f lius and *putlo- remodeled to puer after gener, socer; here might be a parallel to bolster *bi - > bir. (§3.5) If the suggestion of delme 'sheep' to the name of Dalmatia is sound, then my suggestion falls away. (§3.10) If Alb. mëz really joins Basque mando 'mule', as Bari (Hymje 57) has it, then these go with the -st- suffix above. Bari also includes here (h)ardhí 'grapevine' : Basque ardao 'wine' and bisht 'tail' : Basque buztan. (§3.13) I hope to refine the account of mjegullë on another occasion.
etc...etc...etc...Draw your own conclusions as per LINGUISTIC ASPECTS/
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