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Post by donnie on Feb 23, 2011 16:00:39 GMT -5
This is an example of Serb Loyalty-Honor. Serbian "honour" indeed.
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Post by donnie on Feb 23, 2011 11:24:54 GMT -5
Except they're not striking against America, but against ordinary Libyans ,, Serbs always had a way with civilians, Gaddafi knows who to hire.
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Post by donnie on Feb 23, 2011 10:45:13 GMT -5
Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi pounds the podium as he delivers an address on state-run television on Tuesday. Living up to his reputation for theatre, Gaddafi, who had earlier referred to other media outlets as “dog stations”, called his opponents names ranging from “rats” to “sick groups”. He then issued a blood-curdling call to his supporters to go out and cleanse the streets of protesters. “You men and women who love Gaddafi... get out of your homes and fill the streets. Leave your homes and attack them in their lairs.” (AP) New Delhi, Feb. 22: A few hours before Muammar Gaddafi pounded his fists at the world and asked his supporters to reclaim the streets from protesters, a Libyan economist sent the following text messages to The Telegraph. The economist’s name is being withheld for fear of reprisal and the first two messages are being reproduced verbatim. 7.12pm IST: Tripoli is surrounded with mercenaries and we are yet to witness more massacres everyday. We are dying in hundreds… Love u all. *** 6.16pm IST: Please write in the press. We’re being slaughtered here... india needs to speak up. the libyan ambassador to india resigned cuz of these atrocities, God be with Libya *** The following paragraph was drafted from a series of text messages the economist sent and snatches of phone conversations with him Libyans say Serbian mercenary pilots are helping the air force in Mirage bombing runs in cities, including the capital Tripoli. French-speaking African mercenaries are among troops shooting down civilians in Tripoli. “People are being shot for just walking on the street,” according to the economist. *** Mobile phones and the Internet were routinely jammed but they did come alive once in a while. During one such window of connectivity, The Telegraph spoke to the economist. The conversation: Q: Are you okay? The economist: Helicopters are on our rooftops, roaming the city. Some of the dead are on the street in a place nearby. The people are unable to pick up the dead from the streets. Q: Is it the military? Are people being bombed directly? The economist: Mercenaries. I haven’t witnessed bombs. But I have witnessed helicopters shooting around the area. Q: Are you home? The economist: We have to be home. Curfew at 6 near our houses. Q: Is the airport usable? The economist: Not (for us). All foreigners are able to exit and this means that Tripoli will witness a massacre once they leave. I feel the sentiment of frustration… that my fellow brothers and sisters are dying here and this feeling is growing as everything is extraordinarily quiet here. www.telegraphindia.com/1110223/jsp/frontpage/story_13623418.jsp
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Post by donnie on Feb 20, 2011 12:40:08 GMT -5
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Post by donnie on Feb 20, 2011 12:21:29 GMT -5
Wrong, she was the daughter of Prince Gjergj Arianiti, her sister Donika (or Andronika) was Scanderbeg's wife.
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Post by donnie on Feb 16, 2011 17:24:37 GMT -5
Si duket u referove ne mua, por une gjithnje kam thene qe Berisha duhet ikur jo per te "lare gojen" por sepse jam i bindur per kete gje, dhe e kam thene edhe para mbajtjes se protestave. Veprimet e tij pas protestes vetem e perforcojne kete mendimin tim. What annoys me however is how every single criticism against PS is interpreted as being pro-Berisha. I think it's quite important to be critical of both sides ,, the likes of Eri and atdhetari however wish only for a sheep-like chorus that'll chant higher and higher, where your "intelligence" and "patriotism" is defined by how much and how loud you offend and spit on Berisha, and dare not utter a single criticism at the political mess that's supposed to serve as the alternative. Me duket e pamundur te jesh pro-largimit te Berishes po mos te duash te vije Rama ne pushtet. Prandaj une jam skeptik ndaj thirrjeve "Berisha ik" nga njerez qe nuk e pranojne ardhjen e Rames ne pushtet. Nuk eshte e pamundur, asgje s'eshte e pamundur. Why chose between two evils. Pikerisht kete po e them. Vertet dua ta heqim qafesh Berishen, por nuk e shoh PS'ne si alternative (read: PS, not necessarely Rama). Ku vihet ne pushtet nje parti kriminelesh qe politizojne vdekjen e s'u ha palla ne te vertet per vleren e njeriut? Si Spartak Ngjela qe thoshte se po te jete nevoja jo tre, por trembedhjetemije do te flijohen per ceshtjen e tyre, "asgje nuk jane". T'u pergjigja por paske probleme mendore te te kuptuarit. Pastaj bindja jote qe Rama dhe PS'ja jane jasht mundesive per te ndikuar ne gjendjen e tanishme, apo se jane jasht kritikes tregon me teper se s'ka bisede me ty. Por e perseris edhe njehere, meqenese paske nevoje per perseritje; po te isha Berishist i verber, pse e solla nje artikull qe, ndonese kritikon edhe Ramen, KRYESISHT e kritikon Berishen dhe qeverine? Pra vet logjika dikton se po te ishte ashtu, une, si Berishist i terbuar dhe anti-Rama, nuk do te sillja nje artikull te tille. PS Ja Rama i principeve, Rama i moskompromisit, Rama joservil; para tri ditesh thoshte se do bojkotohen zgjedhjet lokale, tash pasi ja ngrene veshet evropianet, ndryshon strategjine dhe me urtesi thote se nuk do te bojkotojne.
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Post by donnie on Feb 16, 2011 11:28:24 GMT -5
Po pse kritikon Ramen dhe PS-ne kur ata nuk jane ne pushtet, pra nuk jane fajtore per gjendjen e mjeruar ne te cilen ndodhet Shqiperia sot? Po sepse duan ti marrin pushtetin Berishes pra. Ketu eshte e gjith loja. Idhtari nuk merret kurre me idhullin e tij po vetem me ate qe sulmon idhullin. Kur nje perkrahes i Berishes thote qe edhe "Berisha duhet te iki" e thote sa per te lare gojen sepse udheheqja nga Rama per ta eshte e papranueshme. Harrojne qe PS ka ofruar 4 kryeminstra deri me sot ne 10 vjet qeverisje: Ylli Bufin, Ilir Meten, Pandeli Majkon dhe Fatos Nanon. PD-j ka ofruar vetem nje: te plotfuqishmin Berisha (Meksin s'e quaj sepse ishte si puna e Medvedev me Putinin, thjesht nje "ushtar" i Berishes). Duhet mos harruar qe berishen e ksihim edhe 5 vjet President. Eshte thjesht ceshtje vizioni se si dikush e shikon udheheqjen e nje shteti. Me Berishen eshte krijuar Njeriu-Shtet ku cdo vendim vjen nga "koka". Me Socialistet kishte nje perpjekje per te krijuar institucione qe tani jane pothuajse inekzistente nen thundren e Berishes. Une preferoj institutucionet, perkrahesit e Berishes preferojne "Udheheqesin" te na drejtoje ne cdo fushe te jetes. Ai te jete vendimarresi, ai te vere vendimet qe ka mare ne jete, ai te akuzoje, ai te hetoje, ai te denoje. Ai, ai, ai, i madhi, I MADHI FARE, sepse vetem AI di. P.S. The rebuttal from Majlinda Bregu was simply vomit-inducing. Si duket u referove ne mua, por une gjithnje kam thene qe Berisha duhet ikur jo per te "lare gojen" por sepse jam i bindur per kete gje, dhe e kam thene edhe para mbajtjes se protestave. Veprimet e tij pas protestes vetem e perforcojne kete mendimin tim. What annoys me however is how every single criticism against PS is interpreted as being pro-Berisha. I think it's quite important to be critical of both sides ,, the likes of Eri and atdhetari however wish only for a sheep-like chorus that'll chant higher and higher, where your "intelligence" and "patriotism" is defined by how much and how loud you offend and spit on Berisha, and dare not utter a single criticism at the political mess that's supposed to serve as the alternative.
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Post by donnie on Feb 16, 2011 11:21:47 GMT -5
Ndoshta i ke lexuar pa syza, provoje edhe njehere. Kur te kritikoj PS'ne dhe Ramen s'domethene s'e nuk jam i vetedijshem per Berishen. Prandaj postova artikullin, i cili kryesisht sulmon qeverine. Po pse kritikon Ramen dhe PS-ne kur ata nuk jane ne pushtet, pra nuk jane fajtore per gjendjen e mjeruar ne te cilen ndodhet Shqiperia sot? Logjikisht njeri duhet te beje te kunderten, te kritikoje PD-ne dhe Berishen se ata kane pushtetin dhe duhet te jete i vetedijshem per Ramen dhe PS-se per kohen kur ata MUND te vijne ne pushtet. Perse nuk kritikon Berishen qe u jep para serbeve te Gracanices ku nje kosovar nuk guxon te shkele, po nuk u jep nje kacidhe shqiptareve te Mitrovices apo vejushave te perdhunuara te Krushes? Perse nuk kritikon Berishen qe ka thene me dhjetera here se e ka ftuar Tadicin te vije ne Tirane, kur ky i fundit eshte kryetari i shtetit qe po perpiqet cdo dite me lloj lloj makinacionesh te rrenoje shtetin e Kosoves? Perse flet kaq shume per PS-ne dhe Fatos Nanon, po nuk nxjerr nje fjale te vetme kunder perpjekjeve te Berishes per ta sjelle ne Shqiperi ne postin e kryeministrit? Perse nuk kritikon qeverine e Berishes kur per cdo incident me greket, ata nxitohen tu servilosen grekeve me shprehje si "duhet te ruajme marredheiet e mira"? E solla artikullin mu per arsye qe s'te kem nevoje t'i beje gjithe ato kritika vet Po te isha i interesuar te mos kritikoja Berishen, nuk do ta sillja artikullin e mesiperm, apo jo? Hence your confusion "why did you post the article"?
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Post by donnie on Feb 16, 2011 5:42:36 GMT -5
I deleted the unrelated comments about the "Serbian minority" (what's that?) in our country. If Krivopicka wishes to discuss that, he's more than welcome to open a thread about it.
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Post by donnie on Feb 16, 2011 5:39:34 GMT -5
No, I just read their titles and if I find them interesting I post them without further thought. Of course i read it. Duke lexuar komentet e tua te jep pershtypjen se per ty emri Berishe nuk shfaqet fare ne keto artikuj. Ndoshta i ke lexuar pa syza, provoje edhe njehere. Kur te kritikoj PS'ne dhe Ramen s'domethene s'e nuk jam i vetedijshem per Berishen. Prandaj postova artikullin, i cili kryesisht sulmon qeverine.
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Post by donnie on Feb 15, 2011 17:13:16 GMT -5
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Post by donnie on Feb 15, 2011 16:49:41 GMT -5
Indeed. ´ It highlights why I'm so annoyed with the Socialists, other than the obvious, which is that they provide no real political or economic alternative. And this is that in Rama I see the same authoritarian tendencies which we see in Berisha. This guy is crying foul against an electoral code he himself backed in some unique collaboration with Berisha to the detriment of smaller parties for which Kokelopa Meta and other small party members held a hunger-strike against. When he didn't win the elections and faced discharge as head of party, he suddenly cried foul and decided to fvkc up the system and initiate a never ending campaign against the gvt. Which is fine, if he wasn't a hypocrit with an army of criminals behind him and no real strategy to remedy the mess they're supposedly against and the structure of which they were part of building up.
With Berisha, the criticism is also very due. His lust for power and paranoia is becoming pathological, borderline insane. My tendency to lean right is all about the difference in political planprograms where the right actually drafted a concrete strategy or vision of how they saw that the economy would grow. They implemented it and it got results. But Berisha has single-handedly made me rethink this all through a series of actions which we all know, including his authoritarian tendencies that disregard democratic accountability and limits the freedoms inherent in a true democracy, thus equating us with the semi-democracies of the world.
His (Daniel's) suggestion seems like a good one, bcs honestly this cannot continue, this pathological lust for power on both ends and their peasant inat is going to fvck up for all of us.
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Post by donnie on Feb 15, 2011 14:40:00 GMT -5
No, I just read their titles and if I find them interesting I post them without further thought.
Of course i read it.
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Post by donnie on Feb 15, 2011 14:26:03 GMT -5
I.H.T. Op-Ed Contributor Stop Albania's Self-Destruction By DANIEL KORSKI Published: January 26, 2011
One moment Albania is Lonely Planet’s “must-see” destination for 2011, a NATO member whose citizens enjoy visa-free travel into the European Union; the next, government forces are shooting and killing protesters on the streets and the British Foreign Office is warning visitors to avoid large crowds in Tirana.
Albania, which escaped a North Korea-style dictatorship in 1990 only to collapse violently in 1997, now teeters on the brink of another catastrophe.
Whether the country sinks back into internal conflict or claws its way back matters to Europe. Albania has recently been a force for peace in the Balkans, building links with old enemies like Serbia and leaning on ethnic kinsmen in Kosovo and Macedonia to opt for peace. The country’s troops work alongside fellow NATO soldiers in Afghanistan. A return to conflict would be bad for the Balkans, bad for Europe and bad for NATO.
The current crisis, however, has deep roots. Since 1992, none of Albania’s elections have been considered free and fair by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the election-monitoring body. Elections are fought as if they were battles, with armies swearing loyalty only to each other and not to any democratic process. Elections are the opportunity for politicians to destroy opponents and enrich friends.
The last elections, in June 2009, were no different. The leader of the opposition Socialist Party, Edi Rama, protested against the results by boycotting Parliament. The boycott is still in force, robbing Albania of a peaceful outlet for disagreements.
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Sali Berisha has governed in a manner that has meant Freedom House now considers the country only “partly free,” the same status given to Abkhazia, Gambia and Nagorno-Karabakh.
The sharp, policy-lite, personality-driven rivalry between Berisha and Rama has acted like a two-person saw, with the back-and-forth friction of each side cutting through the country’s institutions like saw through a plank of wood.
Take the issue of Albania’s 1998 Constitution. Three years ago Berisha and Rama cynically agreed on a sweeping set of reforms, which former President Alfred Moisiu said changed the document overnight. Both leaders must have thought they would stand to benefit from the changes. Now when it seems only one is benefiting, the other side cries foul. The pattern was repeated with the introduction of a new electoral code.
Corruption is perhaps the biggest problem. Albania’s 95th place out of 180 in Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index was a group effort. However, Berisha has refused to dismiss key allies facing indictments. An explosion at a military depot that killed scores of people forced the resignation of the then defense minister, Fatmir Mediu. He has since been re-elected, and the parliamentary immunity that he enjoyed before the resignation has been restored by the Supreme Court (he is currently Berisha’s environment minister). There are countless other cases among members of the political class across all parties.
The situation in the media is also bleak, despite constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression. Media outlets are routinely considered to be politically partisan, and journalists remain subject to lawsuits, intimidation and physical attack. Last year a critical newspaper, Tema, was evicted from its offices despite a court order halting the action. Tema’s publisher was then beaten by the bodyguards of an oil magnate connected to the government.
After years of this kind of activity, Albania’s institutions are unsurprisingly a mess. Even the judiciary is a mess, as a political argument rages over whether or not six national guard commanders, wanted in connection with the killing of protesters, should be arrested.
Rather than stop and look at the damage they have caused, Rama and Berisha have sawed on. They both now seem willing to employ extra-institutional means to gain or retain power. Berisha accuses Rama of trying to “gain power through force” and orchestrating “a crystal clear attempt” to overthrow a legitimate government.
He now intends to bring his own demonstrators out onto the streets. Rama, on the other hand, protests that Berisha’s rule is itself undemocratic, and implies that only a Tunisia-style revolution can bring change to the country.
The European Union has in recent years focused its attention elsewhere in the Balkans. Now, however, the E.U. needs to make clear that Albania’s politicians must step away from the use of violence and end their destruction of the country’s institutions.
If not, then Albanians will lose their visa-free access to Europe and their country will forgo any serious chance of E.U. membership. Even the country’s NATO membership could be at risk.
To show her concern, Catherine Ashton, the E.U.’s first high representative for foreign policy, should send a senior mediator to Albania. A commission of ex-presidents should be set up to investigate the recent violence. The international community should organize and run an extraordinary parliamentary election next year, sending an unambiguous message that Albania’s institutions are no longer trusted or capable of doing so themselves. A new government should be held to a concrete agenda for reform. That may finally stop Albania’s politicians sawing through the country’s institutions. If it doesn’t, the impact will be felt beyond the borders of Albania.
Daniel Korski is a senior fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations.
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Post by donnie on Feb 15, 2011 6:38:04 GMT -5
Having lived in Tirana when the regime changed in 1990 I can only imagine what the Egyptians must be going through. They must be filled with a sense of elation for Mubarak's fall and trepidation of what's to come. I wish the best to the Egyptian people. If our idiot PM would heed the will of the people. Wishful thinking I know. Very wishful thinking. The Egyptian people "won" simply b/c western lobbyists allowed them to If it'd been up to the Americans, they would have not seen Moubarak toppled. Obama's cautious approach, much similar to that of most Western leaders, is a testimony to the exact opposite having happened; that this was not a top-to-the-bottom staged coup, but quite the contrary, it was an unexpected popular explosion that placed the Americans in a delicate position. On one hand, that Egypt was more or less an autocracy could not be denied, and here you had the people going out to the streets to reclaim their own country. To not support their cause would be to contradict US official line of promoting democratization throughout the world. But on the other hand, Moubarak to them proved to be a safe card, an ally or satellite however you wish to see it, that ensured stability and cleared Israel's back. This is not a position the US would willingly put itself in. That is why their approach was a cautious one, wanting to see how it all was going to develop. Because a democracy or free elections in a strategic country such as Egypt puts into motion far more variables than the US would like to handle, esp. since its interests in the ME are at stake.
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Post by donnie on Feb 14, 2011 15:39:00 GMT -5
As I read the article I posted here.. illyria.proboards.com/index.cgi?action=display&board=physicalanthropologyarticles&thread=32783.. I noticed how the difference in type and mentality described of highlander Dinaric Yugoslavs on one hand, and the lowland Croat and Serb peasants on the other largely correspond with the differences between Gegs and Tosks. Our culture (social organization, feuding, music etc.), physionomy to a lesser extent, and even the charachteristics of our dialects are distinguished in a highly similar fashion. The most relevant to us I think are the political and social implications which is are a major reason some are against Kosova merging into one state with Albania as it would be sort of a further "highlander flood" and takeover/destabilization. Common misconception that the Tosks are somehow in lowlands. The only region that is lowlands in the South is Myzeqeja (Lushnje-Fier) and the rest is highlands (Laberia exclusively highlands, Korca the same). In the North Lezhe-Shkoder is lowlands and so is the majority of Kosova (although I've never been there that's my understanding). Mirdita, Malsia, Dibra, Kukes, Puke, and Tropoje are highlands. Take look at our map and notice that only the region from Lushnje-Shkoder is lowlands. To expand on Plisbardhi's theme, when he speaks of "highlanders" it's not exclusively in geographical terms, but also "cultural" (in lack of other words, this is the one we'll have to use). Consequently, a highlander is not simply a man who dwelves in the mountains (nobody thinks of Korcars as Malesors) but also possesses certain warlike characteristics and clannish organisation. He may live in the lowlands because his ancestors fled the highlands to escape blood feuds, but in character he remains a highlander. To illustrate, while Dukagjini in Western Kosova might be considered as part of the lowlands because of its topography, its inhabitants in terms of traditional societal organization, mentality, customs and general culture, form a continuity with the Malësi, or the Great Highlands. Same goes really for most of Kosovars, who in their vast majority descend from highlanders that settled in the lowland plateaus during the 17th and 18th centuries, but also to a lesser degree earlier than that. They preserved the same warlike tradition and memories of their "tribes", continued to engage in blood feuds and were very independent vis-a-vis local authorities (speaking of the Ottoman period). By contrast, Tosks were more "evolved" and their tribal organisation was lost during the Middle Age. Overall the South was always more urban, with larger trading centres and experiencing overall a higher level of integration (as opposed to isolation) with the Ottoman empire. It is no coincidence that a larger portion of the Viziers from our nation in the Ottoman period were from the South. The Ottoman feudal system or land-owning class was also more established here, with the north being more difficult to subdue. Anyway, if this is how we define "highlander" vs "lowlander", there is no clear-cut North-South dichotomy, though the trend goes along these lines. Exceptions would be Laberia, where the locals lived a highland way of life and were organised in (small) clans. Likewise, Shkoder in the north would be an exception to the highland lifestyle as the city was an important economic centre and locals lived typical Ottoman-period lives, as merchants, artisans, fishermen, clergy, bureaucrats, administrators etc., and not just as warrior highlanders. Today, such a dichotomy is further lost because of urbanisation. Its most clear-cut division was during the Ottoman period. Today, a youth from Prishtina will have more and more (as time passes) in common with a youth from any other city like Tirana, Korca, Vlora, than with a peasant from Drenica or Malesia. Though tendencies still persist to a degree, I think we're heading towards a higher degree of convergence on two levels; firstly, a national-ethnic level, since we're becoming more inter-connected as a result of physical mobility (the result of improved infrastructure and faciliating movement by removing visas or any other restraints), media etc, and on an international level since we're experiencing a process of Westernization.
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Post by donnie on Feb 14, 2011 13:02:34 GMT -5
Si duket ekziston vertet nje lufte per udheheqje .. ndoshta e njejta gje po ndodh me PD'ne mes Berishes dhe Topit. Jo vetem kjo qe s'po ndodh, Berisha e ha te gjalle Topin, e fundos. Ndoshta e ha te gjalle, por s'domethene se nuk ekziston nje lufte, si ndryshe te shpjegohet sulmi i tij drejtuar Topit? There is friction there obviously.
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Post by donnie on Feb 14, 2011 12:04:57 GMT -5
Mos u habit fare per kete gje ;D turpi per ta nuk eshte faktor.
Por nese eshte vertet nje orvatje e perendimoreve per te nderruar ramen nuk di, thjesht spekulime nga ana ime, meqenese m'u duk e cuditshme ky takimi i "fshehte" i tyre me Countryman-in, si dhe neutraliteti i Ben Blushit dhe Malajt gjate gjithe ketij procesi. Si duket ekziston vertet nje lufte per udheheqje .. ndoshta e njejta gje po ndodh me PD'ne mes Berishes dhe Topit.
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Post by donnie on Feb 14, 2011 11:00:49 GMT -5
Honestly, I have been pretty calm about Albanians, always giving them the benefit of doubt, I genuinely believed that Albanians and Macedonians can live together. But incidents like this have enraged me quite a lot and I see that the Albanian agenda is sinister and evil, with the aim being the destruction and destabilization of Macedonia. I' am slowly but surely, growing a dislike for Albanians and people like Rex and the ones in these videos are the cause. And that's a shame. What a pretentious little man you're turning out to be. You figured that we're not worthy of your tolerance anymore? That we don't get your 'approval'? Big fvcking deal, your personal opinion matters shyt to us. The fact that you see this incident as sufficient to turn 90 degrees and suddenly start hating after previously having been "tolerant" shows that being "nice neighbours" was never within your agenda. Did you react when Macedonian "Komiti" hooligans attacked children, women and elderlies in the Albanian neighborhood of Nerez? Atleast here we have a pretext and not blind ethnic hatred! You forget your place Slav. Your excuse of a country will never be yours, it will have to be 'shared' until carved when people there and the International community realise there is no other solution. Therefore, you just have to accommodate our countrymen there until that day, or war, comes. This includes asking us to participate in discussions or reconstruction of historical objects that our heritage as well, esp. since its location, the fortress that is, is in the old town or Çarshia e Vjetër (Stara Èaršija) where we make up over half of its inhabitants and Macos some 25 per cent!
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Post by donnie on Feb 14, 2011 10:44:31 GMT -5
Mund te me tregoj dikush se ku jane, ne gjithe kete rremuje, Malaj dhe Blushi? Pse nuk jane aq te zhurmshem si per shembull socialistet e tjere, ta zeme Rucin ose Gjinushin? Lexova se ky ndihmes-sekretari Amerikan Countryman (what a name) mbajti nje takim te fshehte me Blushin dhe Kastriot Islamin., Mos po kerkojne keta nderkombetaret ta vejne jashte loje Edin? Thjesht po spekuloj, dhe dyshimi me rritet kur nuk jane ndegjuar askund zerat e Benit, Arbenit apo Kastriotit?
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